Variation and Change in Gallo-Romance Grammar (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics)

This volume offers a wide-range of case studies on variation and change in the sub-family of the Romance languages that includes French and Occitan: Gallo-Romance. Both standard and non-standard Gallo-Romance data can be of enormous value to studies of morphosyntactic variation and change, yet, as the volume demonstrates, non-standard and comparative Gallo-Romance data have often been lacking in both synchronic and diachronic studies. Following an introduction that sets out the conceptual background, the volume is divided into three parts whose chapters explore a variety of topics in the domains of sentence structure, the verb complex, and word structure. The empirical foundation of the volume is exceptionally rich, drawing on standard and non-standard data from French, Occitan, Francoprovençal, Picard, Wallon, and Norman. This diversity is also reflected in the theoretical and conceptual approaches adopted, which span traditional philology, sociolinguistics, formal morphological and syntactic theory, semantics, and discourse-pragmatics. The volume will thus be an indispensable tool for researchers and students in French and (Gallo-) Romance linguistics as well as for readers interested in grammatical theory, sociolinguistics, and historical linguistics. Cover Variation and Change in Gallo-Romance Grammar Copyright Dedication Contents Series preface Abbreviations and symbols for this volume The contributors 1: Introduction 1.1 Background to the volume 1.2 Smith’s contribution to linguistics and the chapters in the volume PART I: SENTENCE STRUCTURE 2: Old Gallo-Romance, periodization, and the left periphery 2.1 Background 2.1.1 Linguistic change in old French and old Occitan 2.1.2 Classification and the North / South split 2.1.3 Periodization 2.1.4 Previous research on old Occitan 2.2 Linguistic change in French 2.2.1 Background 2.2.2 V2 and inversion 2.2.3 Change in the left periphery 2.2.4 Change in the syntax of SI 2.2.5 Change in the subject system 2.3 Occitan and early Gallo-Romance syntax 2.3.1 Common syntactic properties 2.3.2 Occitan and the late medieval split 2.3.2.1 Verb placement 2.3.2.2 Discourse-pragmatics and the prefield 2.3.2.3 Verb-third 2.3.2.4 Null arguments 2.4 Conclusion 2.4.1 Empirical summary 2.4.2 Consequences Primary sources 3: Resumptive structures in a Gallo-Romance perspective 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Theoretical and methodical backdrop 3.2.1 Sources 3.2.2 Verb Second 3.2.3 The lexeme SI 3.2.4 Specialized and generalized resumption 3.3 Resumption in old French 3.3.1 After fronted adverbial constituents 3.3.2 After fronted arguments 3.4 Resumption in old Occitan 3.5 Discourse function of the fronted argument 3.5.1 Old Occitan 3.6 A structural analysis of old French 3.6.1 Contexts where resumption is ruled out 3.6.1.1 Stylistic fronting 3.6.1.2 Wh-words 3.6.1.3 Fronted VP elements 3.6.2 Maximal or minimal category? 3.6.3 Specialized or generalized resumptive? 3.6.4 Embedded contexts 3.6.4.1 Embedded [SUBJECT + SI] 3.6.4.2 Doubly embedded clauses 3.6.4.3 Left dislocation 3.6.5 Summing up 3.6.6 Old Occitan 3.7 Conclusion Texts cited Old French Old Occitan 4: Variation in the Gallo-Romance left periphery: V2, complementizers, and the Gascon enunciative system 4.1 Introduction 4.2. Strong / weak C dimension 4.2.1 Medieval Gallo-Romance: strong C 4.2.2 Modern Gallo-Romance: weak C 4.3 The Gascon enunciative system 4.3.1 Introduction 4.3.2 Strong C: Merge vs Move 4.3.3 Sentential negation 4.3.4 Root clauses 4.3.5 Embedded clauses 4.4 Summary and conclusion 5: Dialectological evidence for a predicate focus analysis of Gascon que 5.1 Introduction 5.2 The controversial nature and origin of Gascon ‘que’ 5.2.1 The geographic extension of Gascon ‘que’ 5.2.2 Interpretations of the functional value of Gascon ‘que’ 5.3 Gascon ‘que’ and focalization 5.4 The dialect of Les Esseintes 5.4.1 Introduction 5.4.2 The ‘enunciative’ es ke in the dialect of Les Esseintes 5.4.3 Focus marking and focus marking suspension 5.4.4 A contact-induced phenomenon? 5.5 Conclusion 6: Postverbal negators in Gallo-Romance: The view from Old Occitan 6.1 Introduction 6.2 Pas 6.2.1 Introduction 6.2.2 Pas through the centuries 6.2.3 Pas in negative polar questions 6.3 Ges 6.3.1 Introduction 6.3.2 Semantics and pragmatics of ges 6.3.3 Syntax of ges 6.3.4 Discussion 6.4 Conclusions 7: The loss of clitic climbing in French: A Gallo-Romance perspective 7.1 Introduction 7.1.1 Overview 7.1.2 Clitic climbing in French 7.1.3 Clitic climbing in (varieties of) Occitan 7.1.4 Clitic climbing in other Romance varieties 7.1.5 The interest of clitic climbing 7.2 Corpus and methodology 7.3 Results and discussion 7.3.1 Frequency of clitic climbing 7.3.2 The process of change 7.3.2.1 Matrix verbs 7.3.2.2 Complexity of the environment 7.3.3 Discussion 7.4 Conclusion PART II: THE VERB COMPLEX 8: Motivating the North–South continuum: Evidence from the perfects of Gallo-Romance 8.1 Introduction 8.2 The North–South Continuum 8.2.1 Zamboni 8.2.2 Ledgeway 8.3 Discussion of Ledgeway’s characterization 8.4 Motivating the North–South Continuum: a stratified model of the development of the perfect in Europe 8.4.1 Why should the Carolingian realm be the locale of theinnovative expansion of the HAVE / BE dichotomy? 8.4.2 HAVE perfects in Carolingian Latin 8.4.3 Deponents and  perfects in Carolingian Latin 8.5 Evidence from southern Gallo-Romance varieties 8.5.1 Introduction 8.5.2 Occitan 8.5.3 Catalan 8.6 Evidence from northern oïl varieties 8.6.1 Introduction 8.6.2 Northeastern oïl varieties 8.6.3 Northwestern oïl varieties 8.6.4 Comparison of northeastern and northwestern oïl varieties 8.6.4.1 Introduction 8.6.4.2 Exclusive use of HAVE auxiliary, especially in thenortheastern oïl varieties 8.6.4.3 Non-agreement of past participles 8.6.4.4 Persistence of the preterite especially in the northwestern oïl varieties 8.7 Conclusions 9: Active-middle alignment and the aoristic drift: The North–South divide in the Romània on evidence from northern Gallo-Romance 9.1 Introduction 9.2 The North–South divide in the Romània 9.3 The case of northern Gallo-Romance 9.4 Making sense of northern Gallo-Romance 9.5 The North–South classification reconsidered 9.6 Conclusion 10: A comparative analysis of French auxiliation, with new evidence from Montréal 10.1 Introduction 10.2 Theoretical approaches to split intransitivity 10.2.1 The interface of syntax and semantics: the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy 10.2.2 Syntactic approach to split intransitivity 10.2.2.1 French as an outlier among Romance auxiliation systems? 10.2.2.2 Argument structure and unaccusativity 10.2.3 Issues with theoretical approaches and the problem of ‘free’ variation 10.3 Recorded variation in French auxiliary selection 10.3.1 Variationist sociolinguistic studies on North American French auxiliary alternation 10.3.2 Factors of influence 10.3.2.1 Sociolinguistic factors 10.3.2.2 Linguistic factors 10.4 Evidence from new Montréal French data 10.4.1 Sociolinguistic corpus of Rea (2016) 10.4.2 The crowdsourcing platform Les français de nos régions (2017) 10.5 Discussion 11: Présent inclusif and passé composé à valeur de présent accompli in modern French and Occitan 11.1 Introduction 11.2 Theoretical considerations 11.3 Présent inclusif 11.4 Passé composé à valeur de présent accompli 11.5 Passé composé with future projection 11.6 Conclusions 12: Future temporal reference in French and Gascon: Aller / anar + infinitive periphrasis and structural transfer in the bilingual grammar 12.1 Introduction 12.2 Research context: French and Gascon in Béarn 12.3 Theoretical framework: the bilingual grammar 12.4 Linguistic background: future temporal reference 12.4.1 Historical evolution of future temporal reference variants 12.4.2 Circumscription of the variable context 12.4.3 Previous studies of future temporal reference 12.5 Methodology 12.5.1 Data collection 12.5.2 Coding the dependent variable 12.5.3 Independent variables 12.5.3.1 Sentential polarity 12.5.3.2 Temporal distance 12.5.3.3 Imminence 12.5.3.4 Verb stem regularity 12.5.3.5 Certainty 12.5.3.6 Adverbial specification 12.5.3.7 Grammatical person 12.5.3.8 Subject type 12.5.3.9 Contingency 12.5.3.10 Presence of ‘quand’ 12.5.3.11 Extralinguistic factors 12.5.4 Statistical analysis 12.6 Results 12.6.1 Frequency distributions 12.6.2 Modelling future temporal reference in French 12.6.3 Modelling future temporal reference in Gascon 12.7 Discussion: structural transfer in the bilingual grammar 12.8 Conclusion 13: Mainland and insular Norman: Pronoun sharing and pronoun sparing 13.1 Introduction 13.2 Methodology 13.3 The pronouns of Norman 13.4 Results 13.4.1 Pronoun sharing with French 13.4.1.1 Conjunctive pronouns 13.4.1.1.1 Conjunctive third-person singular feminine subject pronouns 13.4.1.1.2 Conjunctive first person plural subject pronouns 13.4.1.1.3 Conjunctive third person plural subject pronouns 13.4.1.1.4 Conjunctive impersonal pronouns 13.4.1.2 Disjunctive pronouns 13.4.1.3 Reflexive pronouns 13.4.2 Pronoun sharing with English 13.4.2.1 Conjunctive pronouns 13.4.2.1.1 Gender-marking 13.4.2.1.2 Pronoun calquing 13.4.2.2 Pronominal reflexive verbs 13.5 Conclusion PART III: WORD STRUCTURE 14: On the origins of French and Occitan 14.1 Introduction 14.1.1 The problem 14.1.2 Identifying a vernacular language 14.1.3 The nature of the evidence 14.1.4 The books we have for early texts 14.2 Comparing the vernacular forms 14.2.1 Writing the vernacular alongside Latin 14.2.2 Definite articles in the earliest texts 14.2.3 Unstressed pronouns in the earliest texts 14.2.4 The preposition ab in the earliest texts 14.2.5 Third person plural endings from unstressed Latin vowels 14.2.6 Some inconsistent usages 14.2.7 Possible inferences 14.3 Writing the vernacular 14.3.1 The Augsburg Passion 14.3.2 The circumstances of writing 14.4 Conclusion List of primary sources 15: Appositive compounds in dialectal and sociolinguistic varieties of French 15.1 Introduction 15.2 Appositive compounds 15.2.1 Introduction 15.2.2 Main characteristics 15.2.3 Appositive compounds in French 15.3 Appositive compounds in Gallo-Romance dialects 15.3.1 Introduction 15.3.2 Sources and general trends 15.3.3 Appositive compounds: hybrids 15.3.4 Appositive compounds: additional compounds 15.3.5 Appositive compounds: type-of compounds 15.3.6 Appositive compounds: the role of metaphors 15.3.7 The sequence of the component nouns 15.3.8 Preliminary conclusions 15.4 Le poilu 15.4.1 Introduction 15.4.2 Appositive compounds in poilu 15.4.3 Summary of findings 15.5 Discussion of the findings and conclusions 16: Complex versus compound prepositions: Evidence from Gallo-Romance 16.1 Introduction 16.2 Prepositions: some preliminary considerations 16.3 Origins 16.4 Diachronic stages 16.5 The typological context 16.6 Modelling P and PP 16.7 Prefixes and PPs 16.8 Conclusions 17: Syncretism and metamorphomes in northern Occitan (Lemosin) varieties 17.1 Introduction 17.2 Syncretism patterns in the north Lemosin variety of Gartempe (Creuse) 17.3 The origin of the syncretism patterns 17.3.1 Introduction 17.3.2 Person syncretism: 1PL=3PL 17.3.3 Person syncretism: 2SG=2PL 17.3.4 Person syncretism: 1SG=3SG 17.3.5 TAM syncretism: imperfect indicative and conditional forms 17.3.6 TAM syncretism: present indicative and present subjunctive forms 17.3.7 Summary 17.4 The relationship between patterns of syncretism and metamorphomes 17.4.1 Introduction 17.4.2 Syncretism patterns as templates 17.4.3 The source of syncretism patterns 17.4.4 Interaction between syncretism patterns and metamorphomes 17.5 Conclusions 18: The verbs ‘rain’ and ‘snow’ in Gallo-Romance, and other morphological mismatches in diachrony 18.1 The morphology of ‘rain’ and ‘snow’ in Romance 18.2 How and why ‘snow’ follows ‘rain’ in Gallo-Romance 18.3 Other Gallo-Romance cases of lexical contamination manifested in desinential morphology 18.3.1 Osoir, falloir, and estovoir 18.3.2 The type il trouverra 18.3.3 The type amerrir, alunir 18.3.4 First conjugation reflexes of third conjugation MITTERE and third conjugation reflexes of first conjugation *boˈtare 18.4 The role of phonological resemblance 18.5 The Gallo-Romance verbs ‘snow’ and ‘rain’ and their incompatibility with ‘constructivist’ models of morphology References and bibliographical abbreviations Index This volume offers a wide-range of case studies on variation and change in the sub-family of the Romance languages that includes French and Occitan: Gallo-Romance. Both standard and non-standard Gallo-Romance data can be of enormous value to studies of morphosyntactic variation and change, yet, as the volume demonstrates, non-standard and comparative Gallo-Romance data have often been lacking in both synchronic and diachronic studies. Following an introduction that sets out the conceptual background, the volume is divided into three parts whose chapters explore a variety of topics in the domains of sentence structure, the verb complex, and word structure. The empirical foundation of the volume is exceptionally rich, drawing on standard and non-standard data from French, Occitan, Francoprovençal, Picard, Wallon, and Norman. This diversity is also reflected in the theoretical and conceptual approaches adopted, which span traditional philology, sociolinguistics, formal morphological and syntactic theory, semantics, and discourse-pragmatics. The volume will thus be an indispensable tool for researchers and students in French and (Gallo-) Romance linguistics as well as for readers interested in grammatical theory, sociolinguistics, and historical linguistics. This volume offers a wide-range of case studies on variation and change in the sub-family of the Romance languages that includes French and Occitan: Gallo-Romance. Both standard and non-standard Gallo-Romance data can be of enormous value to studies of morphosyntactic variation and change, yet, as the volume demonstrates, non-standard and comparative Gallo-Romance data have often been lacking in both synchronic and diachronic studies. Following an introduction that sets out the conceptual background, the volume is divided into three parts whose chapters explore a variety of topics in the domains of sentence structure, the verb complex, and word structure. The empirical foundation of the volume is exceptionally rich, drawing on standard and non-standard data from French, Occitan, Francoprovencal, Picard, Wallon, and Norman. This diversity is also reflected in the theoretical and conceptual approaches adopted, which span traditional philology, sociolinguistics, formal morphological and syntactic theory, semantics, and discourse-pragmatics. The volume will thus be an indispensable tool for researchers and students in French and (Gallo-) Romance linguistics as well as for readers interested in grammatical theory, sociolinguistics, and historical linguistics