The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages (Oxford Guides to the World's Languages)

The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages provides a comprehensive account of the Transeurasian languages, and is the first major reference work in the field since 1965. The term 'Transeurasian' refers to a large group of geographically adjacent languages that includes five uncontroversial linguistic families: Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Turkic. The historical connection between these languages, however, constitutes one of the most debated issues in historical comparative linguistics. In the present book, a team of leading international scholars in the field take a balanced approach to this controversy, integrating different theoretical frameworks, combining both functional and formal linguistics, and showing that genealogical and areal approaches are in fact compatible with one another. The volume is divided into five parts. Part I deals with the historical sources and periodization of the Transeurasian languages and their classification and typology. In Part II, chapters provide individual structural overviews of the Transeurasian languages and the linguistic subgroups that they belong to, while Part III explores Transeurasian phonology, morphology, syntax, lexis, and semantics from a comparative perspective. Part IV offers a range of areal and genealogical explanations for the correlations observed in the preceding parts. Finally, Part V combines archaeological, genetic, and anthropological perspectives on the identity of speakers of Transeurasian languages. The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages will be an indispensable resource for specialists in Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Turkic languages and for anyone with an interest in Transeurasian and comparative linguistics more broadly. Cover The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages Copyright Short Contents Detailed Contents Series Preface Abbreviations The Contributors Romanization Conventions 1 Romanization of Japonic forms Contemporary Japanese Old Japanese 2 Romanization of Korean forms Contemporary Korean Middle Korean 3 Romanization of Tungusic forms 4 Romanization of Mongolic forms 5 Romanization of Turkic forms Plates Introduction Part I: Sources and Classification A. Historical Sourcesand Periodization Chapter 1: Historical sources and periodization of the Japonic and Koreanic languages 1.1 Introduction 1.1.1 Transcriptions, sources, periodization 1.1.2 Sources 1.1.3 Periodization 1.2 Japonic languages 1.2.1 Peninsular Japonic 1.2.2 Mainland Japonic 1.2.2.1 Pre-Old Japanese (c. 200–late 600s) 1.2.2.2 Old Japanese ( jōdai nihongo; c. late 600s–800) 1.2.2.3 Early Middle Japanese (chūko nihongo; c. 800–1200) 1.2.2.4 Late Middle Japanese (chūsei nihongo; c. 1200–1600) 1.2.2.5 Early Modern Japanese (kinsei nihongo; c. 1600–late 1800s) 1.2.2.6 Contemporary Japanese (gendai nihongo; late 1800s–present 1.2.3 Ryūkyūan language 1.2.3.1 Old Okinawan (late 1500s–early 1700s) 1.2.3.2 Middle Okinawan (mid-1700s–late 1800s) 1.2.3.3 Modern Okinawan and other Ryūkyūan languages (late 1800s–present) 1.3 Koreanic languages 1.3.1 Early Koreanic (c. 200–600) 1.3.2 Old Korean (kotay hankwuke; late 500s–mid-900s) 1.3.3 Early Middle Korean (EMK; choki cwungsey hankwuke; late 900s–c. 1400) 1.3.4 Late Middle Korean (huki cwungsey hankwuke; c. 1400–1600) 1.3.5 Early Modern Korean (kuntay hankwuke; c. 1600–late 1800s 1.3.6 Contemporary Korean (hyentay hankwuke; late 1800s–present) Chapter 2: The Altaic languages: Tungusic, Mongolic, Turkic 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Tungusic languages 2.2.1 Distribution and number of speakers 2.2.2 Scripts and sources 2.3 Mongolic languages 2.3.1 Distribution and number of speakers 2.3.2 Scripts and sources 2.4 Turkic languages 2.4.1 Distribution and number of speakers 2.4.2 Scripts and sources Acknowledgments B. Genealogical Classification Chapter 3: The classification of the Transeurasian languages 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Previous classifications 3.3 Classification on the basis of the historical-comparative linguistic method 3.3.1 Shared innovations in Japano-Koreanic 3.3.2 Shared innovations in Altaic 3.3.3 Shared innovations between Turkic and Mongolic 3.3.4 Shared innovations between Mongolic and Tungusic 3.3.5 Shared innovations between Turkic and Tungusic 3.3.6 Shared innovations in Turkic 3.3.7 Shared innovations in Tungusic 3.3.8 Resulting classification 3.4 Classification on the basisof Bayesian inference 3.5 Conclusion Acknowledgment Chapter 4: The classification of the Japonic languages 4.1 Classification of Japonic on the basis of the historical comparative method 4.1.1 Introduction 4.1.1.1 Geographical distribution of the Japonic language family 4.1.1.2 Methodology of the classification 4.1.1.3 Areal connections that complicate the classification 4.1.2 History of dialect research and main classifications proposed in the previous literature 4.1.2.1 The classification of Mainland Japanese 4.1.2.1.1 A division into dialect areas 4.1.2.1.2 A division into “front of Japan” and “back of Japan” dialects 4.1.2.1.3 A division of the dialects in concentric circles 4.1.2.2 The classification of Ryūkyūan 4.1.2.3 The standard classification of Japanese and Ryūkyūan 4.1.3 Segmental phonology 4.1.4 Suprasegmental phonology 4.1.4.1 Tone classes 4.1.4.2 The tone systems of mainland Japan 4.1.4.3 The tone systems of the Ryūkyūs 4.1.4.4 Tonal features 4.1.5 Morphology 4.1.5.1 Morphological features that go back to the difference between Eastern Old Japanese and Central Old Japanese 4.1.5.2 Variations in morphology of more recent date 4.1.6 Lexicon 4.1.6.1 Shared lexicon in Kyūshū and the Ryūkyūs 4.1.7 Tentative classification Chapter 5: The classification of the Korean language and its dialects 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Seven dialectal zones in Korean 5.3 Major diagnostic criteria for the dialectal division of Korean 5.3.1 Palatalization: t-palatalization, k-palatalization, and h-palatalization 5.3.2 Umlaut 5.3.3 Relics of Middle Korean 5.3.4 Tone and vowel length 5.3.5 Segment insertion and alternation 5.4 Characteristics of seven major dialects in Korean 5.4.1 Hamgyŏng dialect 5.4.1.1 Phonological features 5.4.1.2 Grammatical features 5.4.1.3 Lexical features 5.4.2 P’yŏngan dialect 5.4.2.1 Phonological features 5.4.2.2 Grammatical features 5.4.2.3 Lexical features 5.4.3 Central dialects 5.4.3.1 Phonological features 5.4.3.2 Grammatical features 5.4.3.3 Lexical features 5.4.4 Ch’ungch’ŏng dialect 5.4.4.1 Phonological features 5.4.4.2 Grammatical features 5.4.4.3 Lexical features 5.4.5 Kyŏngsang dialects 5.4.5.1 Phonological features 5.4.5.2 Grammatical features 5.4.5.3 Lexical features 5.4.6 Chŏlla dialect 5.4.6.1 Phonological features 5.4.6.2 Grammatical features 5.4.6.3 Lexical features 5.4.7 Jeju dialects 5.4.7.1 Phonological features 5.4.7.2 Grammatical features 5.4.7.3 Lexical idiosyncrasies 5.5 The genealogical relationship among the Korean dialects 5.5.1 Previous analyses of the relationship among the Korean dialects 5.5.2 Shared innovations and groupings of the Korean dialects 5.5.2.1 First dialectal grouping: The Jeju dialect 5.5.2.2 Second dialectal grouping: The Central dialects 5.5.2.3 Third dialectal grouping: The Ch’ungch’ŏng dialect 5.5.2.4 Fourth dialectal grouping: The Kyŏngsang and Chŏlla dialects 5.5.2.5 Fifth dialectal grouping: The Hamgyŏng and P’yŏngan dialects 5.6 Summary Acknowledgments Chapter 6: The classification of the Tungusic languages 6.1 Introduction 6.2 Approaches to Tungusic classification 6.3 Proto-Tungusic segmental inventories 6.4 A binary-branching classification of the Tungusic languages 6.4.1 *t- 6.4.2 *-b- 6.4.3 *-k- 6.4.4 *-g- 6.4.5 *p- 6.4.6 *-i/-u 6.4.7 *ü1 6.4.8 *u2 6.4.9 Summary 6.5 Interpretation 6.6 A Bayesian phylogenetic approach to Tungusic classification 6.6.1 The Bayesian method 6.6.2 Tungusic data 6.6.3 Analysis 6.7 Discussion and summary Acknowledgments Chapter 7: The classification of the Mongolic languages 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Challenges 7.3 Phonetic tendencies 7.3.1 Irregular phonetic developments 7.4 Morphology 7.5 Lexicon 7.6 Semantics 7.7 Closing remarks Chapter 8: The classification of the Turkic languages 8.1 Introduction 8.2 Areas of distribution 8.3 “Languages” and “dialects” 8.4 Proto-Turkic 8.5 Divergence 8.6 Convergence 8.7 Genealogical relatedness 8.8 Contact-induced “take-over” copying 8.9 “Carry-over” copying 8.10 Proposed classifications 8.11 Branches 8.12 Problematic cases 8.13 Classificatory criteria 8.14 Further main issues 8.15 Further phonetic features 8.16 Lexical features 8.17 Morphological features 8.18 Case markers 8.19 Other morphological features Chapter 9: A Bayesian approach to the classificationof the Turkic languages 9.1 Introduction 9.2 Data and method 9.2.1 Languages 9.2.2 Basic vocabulary list 9.2.3 Sources and data selection 9.2.4 Cognate coding 9.2.5 Bayesian analysis 9.3 Results 9.4 Discussion 9.4.1 Topology 9.4.2 Time depth 9.5 Conclusion Acknowledgments Appendix 1 254-basic vocabulary list Appendix 2 Sources of basic vocabulary items used in the study C. Typology Chapter 10: The typological heritage of the Transeurasian languages 10.1 Introduction 10.2 Data set and methods 10.3 Typological profile of the Transeurasian languages 10.3.1 Phonology 10.3.1.1 F1 Presence of tongue-root vowel harmony 10.3.1.2 F2 Absence of r- in initial position in native words 10.3.1.3 F3 Absence of velar nasal restricted to initial position 10.3.1.4 F4 Presence of voicing distinction for stops 10.3.2 Lexicon and semantics 10.3.2.1 F5 Preference for non-verbal strategy for (extra-family) verbal copies 10.3.2.2 F6 Presence of a two-way proximal–distal distinction in demonstrative pronouns 10.3.2.3 F7 Property words are verbally and nominally encoded such that some property words exhibit switched encoding 10.3.3 Morphology 10.3.3.1 F8 Inflectional morphology is predominantly suffixing 10.3.3.2 F9 The imperative is expressed by a bare verb stem 10.3.3.3 F10 Absence of obligatory numeral classifiers 10.3.3.4 F11 Presence of mi-Ti opposition in first vs. second singular personal pronouns 10.3.3.5 F12 Formation of a secondary nasal oblique stem in personal pronouns 10.3.4 Syntax 10.3.4.1 F13 Dependent-marking of clause arguments 10.3.4.2 F14 Dependent-marking in possessive noun phrases 10.3.4.3 F15 Extensive use of converb 10.3.4.4 F16 Use of locative existential constructions to encode predicative possession 10.3.4.5 F17 Use of the ablative case form to encode predicative comparison 10.3.5 Grammaticalization patterns 10.3.5.1 F18 Direct insubordination 10.3.5.2 F19 Grammaticalization from negative verb to verbal negator over a construction comprising an inflected negative auxiliary and an invariant lexical verb 10.3.5.3 F20 Grammaticalization of plural/collective markers to express inclusive/exclusive distinction on first-person pronoun 10.3.6 Overview 10.4 Discussion 10.4.1 Typological features specific to Transeurasian 10.4.2 Structural heritage vs. linguistic area 10.5 Conclusion Acknowledgment Chapter 11: Typological profile of the Transeurasian languages from a quantitative perspective 11.1 Introduction 11.2 Language sample 11.3 Typological overview of the Transeurasian languages 11.3.1 Phonology 11.3.1.1 Vowels 11.3.1.2 Positional constraints 11.3.1.3 Phoneme inventories 11.3.2 Agglutination and position of bound morphemes 11.3.3 Noun 11.3.4 Pronoun 11.3.5 Demonstrative 11.3.6 Article 11.3.7 Adjective 11.3.8 Numeral system 11.3.9 Verb 11.3.9.1 Tame 11.3.9.2 Valency-changing operations 11.3.9.3 Verb morphology in subordinate clauses 11.3.9.4 Reduplication 11.3.10 Attributive possession 11.3.11 Predicative possession 11.3.12 Alignment 11.3.13 Negation 11.3.14 Word order 11.3.15 Interrogation 11.3.16 Comparative construction 11.3.17 Coordination and conjunction 11.3.18 Obligatoriness of S/A argument 11.3.19 Derivation of adpositions 11.3.20 Classifiers 11.4 Phylogenetic analysis 11.4.1 Coding procedure 11.4.2 Stability of structural features 11.4.3 Bayesian approach to the classification of the Transeurasian languages 11.5 Conclusion Acknowledgments Part II: Individual Structural Overviews Chapter 12: Japanese and the mainland dialects 12.1 Introduction 12.2 Mainland dialects 12.2.1 Old Japanese, Eastern Old Japanese, and modern mainland Japanese dialects 12.3 Standard Japanese 12.3.1 Word order 12.3.2 Subject and topic 12.3.3 Nominal structures 12.3.3.1 Particles 12.3.3.2 Nominalization 12.3.4 Verbal structures 12.3.4.1 Conclusive and adnominal forms 12.3.4.2 Auxiliaries and helping verbs 12.3.4.3 Converbs 12.3.4.4 Voice 12.3.4.5 Insubordination 12.4 Dialect features 12.4.1 Particles 12.4.1.1 Dialects lacking nominative and accusative markers 12.4.1.2 Dative lumpers and splitters 12.4.1.3 Genitive markers 12.4.1.4 Subject markers 12.4.1.5 Particle coalescence 12.4.1.6 Nominalization particle 12.4.2 Conclusive and adnominal forms 12.4.2.1 Conclusive and adnominal merger 12.4.2.2 Restoration of the conclusive/adnominal contrast 12.5 Hachijō 12.5.1 Hachijō and Ryūkyūan 12.5.2 Hachijō and Eastern Old Japanese 12.5.3 Hachijō, Central Old Japanese, and Ryūkyūan 12.5.3.1 Genitive markers 12.5.3.2 Subject markers 12.5.3.3 Kakari-musubi 12.5.3.4 Grammaticalization of existential verbs 12.5.3.5 Voice 12.5.3.6 Insubordination 12.6 Conclusion Chapter 13: Amami and Okinawa, the Northern Ryukyuan languages 13.1 Introduction 13.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 13.3 Phonology 13.3.1 Consonants 13.3.2 Vowels 13.3.3 Syllable structure 13.3.4 Phonological rules 13.3.4.1 Sonorant deletion in Yuwan (Amami) 13.3.4.2 Epenthetic vowel in Yuwan (Amami) and Shuri (Okinawa) 13.3.4.3 Vowel shortening in Yuwan (Amami) 13.3.4.4 Non-existence of vowel harmony in Yuwan (Amami) and Shuri (Okinawa) 13.3.5 Morphophonological rule 13.3.5.1 Sequential voicing (Rendaku) 13.3.5.2 Fusion of topic marker 13.3.6 Suprasegmentals 13.4 Word morphology and phrasal constituents 13.4.1 Pronouns 13.4.1.1 Personal pronouns 13.4.1.2 Demonstrative pronouns 13.4.1.3 Interrogative pronouns 13.4.2 Nominals 13.4.2.1 Common nouns 13.4.2.2 Address nouns 13.4.2.3 Numerals 13.4.2.4 Diminutive affix 13.4.2.5 Plural markers and the animacy hierarchy 13.4.2.6 Case markers and the animacy hierarchy 13.4.3 Adnominals 13.4.4 Verbs 13.4.4.1 Structure of verbs and derivational affixes 13.4.4.2 Inflectional affixes of verbs 13.4.5 Adjectives 13.4.6 Compounds 13.5 Clauses 13.6 Lexicon Chapter 14: Miyako, Ishigaki, and Yonaguni, the Southern Ryūkyūan Languages 14.1 Introduction 14.2 Historical connections 14.3 Phonology 14.3.1 Consonants 14.3.2 Vowels 14.3.3 Syllable structure 14.3.4 Morphophonology 14.3.5 Suprasegmentals 14.4 Morphology 14.4.1 Nouns 14.4.2 Pronouns 14.4.3 Numerals and classifiers 14.4.4 Verbal adjectives 14.4.5 Verbs 14.4.5.1 Negation 14.4.5.2 Aspect/tense 14.4.5.3 Mood 14.4.5.4 Voice 14.4.5.5 Predication 14.5 Syntax 14.5.1 The clause 14.5.2 The nominal group 14.5.3 The predicate 14.6 Lexicon 14.7 Conclusion Chapter 15: Korean and the Korean dialects 15.1 Introduction 15.1.1 Speakers 15.1.2 Writing systems 15.1.2.1 Chinese characters 15.1.2.2 Ch’acha (借字) ‘loan-character writing’ 15.1.2.3 The Korean alphabet, han’gŭl 15.1.2.4 Romanization 15.1.3 Previous scholarship on Korean 15.2 Historical connections 15.2.1 Korean-Japanese hypothesis 15.2.2 The Altaic hypothesis 15.2.3 Dialectal situation and standardization 15.2.4 Language contact 15.2.4.1 Contact with Chinese 15.2.4.2 Contact with Japanese 15.2.4.3 Contact with English and other Western languages 15.2.4.4 Structural impact 15.3 Phonology 15.3.1 Consonants 15.3.2 Vowels and semivowels 15.3.3 Syllable structure 15.3.4 Morphophonology 15.3.5 Suprasegmentals 15.3.5.1 Vowel length (:) 15.3.5.2 Non-phonemic lexical stress 15.3.5.3 Lexical pitches 15.3.5.4 Intonation 15.4 Morphology 15.4.1 Classification of lexical items 15.4.1.1 Nominals 15.4.1.2 Predicates 15.4.1.3 Modifiers 15.4.1.4 Particles 15.4.1.5 Affixes 15.4.2 Inflectional morphology 15.4.2.1 Inflection of nominals 15.4.2.2 Inflection of predicates 15.4.3 Derivational morphology 15.4.3.1 Affixation 15.4.3.2 Sound gradation 15.4.3.3 Compounding 15.5 Syntax 15.5.1 Word order 15.5.2 Complex sentences 15.5.3 Noun phrases 15.5.4 Verb phrases 15.5.5 Honorifics 15.6 Features of Korean vocabulary 15.7 Dialects 15.7.1 Dialectal division 15.7.2 Causes for the formation of dialectal zones 15.7.3 Dialectal features 15.7.4 Inflectional patterns 15.7.5 Linguistic divergence in South and North Korea Chapter 16: Jejudo Korean 16.1 Introduction 16.1.1 Jejudo Korean: Dialect or language? 16.1.2 Location and population 16.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 16.2.1 The current state of Jejudo Korean 16.2.2 Dialect divisions 16.3 Phonology 16.3.1 Consonants 16.3.2 Vowels 16.3.2.1 Monophthongs 16.3.2.2 Diphthongs 16.3.3 Phonological phenomena 16.3.4 Suprasegmentals 16.4 Morphology 16.4.1 Nouns 16.4.2 Pronouns 16.4.3 Numerals 16.4.4 Particles 16.4.4.1 Case particles 16.4.4.2 Conjunctive particles 16.4.4.3 Additional meaning particles 16.4.4.4 Pragmatic particles 16.4.5 Prefinal endings 16.4.6 Quotation suffix 16.5 Syntax 16.5.1 Honorifics 16.5.2 Tense 16.5.2.1 Past tense 16.5.2.2 Present tense 16.5.2.3 Future tense 16.5.3 Aspect 16.6 Vocabulary Chapter 17: Xibe and the Manchuric languages 17.1 Introduction 17.1.1 Alternative names 17.1.2 Location and number of speakers 17.1.3 Writing systems 17.1.4 Previous scholarship 17.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 17.2.1 Prototypically Transeurasian features 17.2.2 Language family and dialects 17.2.3 Relationship between Xibe and Manchu 17.2.4 Contacts 17.3 Phonology 17.3.1 Consonants 17.3.1.1 Spoken Xibe consonant phonemes 17.3.1.2 Written Xibe consonant phonemes 17.3.2 Vowels 17.3.2.1 Spoken Xibe vowel phonemes 17.3.2.2 Written Xibe vowel phonemes 17.3.3 Syllable structure 17.3.4 Morphophonology 17.3.4.1 Processes in which vowels condition consonants 17.3.4.1.1 Palatalization 17.3.4.1.2 Uvularization 17.3.4.1.3 Voicing assimilation (spoken) 17.3.4.1.4 Spirantization (spoken) 17.3.4.1.5 Labialization (spoken) 17.3.4.2 Processes in which consonants condition vowels 17.3.4.3 Processes conditioned by syllable structure 17.3.4.3.1 Aspiration 17.3.4.3.2 Fortis 17.3.4.3.3 Devoicing 17.3.4.3.4 Fricativization 17.3.4.3.5 Lateral retroflexation 17.3.4.3.6 Vowel [ɘ] deletion 17.3.4.3.7 Vowel [ɘ] epenthesis 17.3.4.3.8 Lateral [l] epenthesis 17.3.4.4 Vowel harmony 17.3.4.4.1 Labial harmony 17.3.4.4.2 RTR harmony 17.3.5 Stress patterns 17.4 Morphology 17.4.1 Nouns 17.4.1.1 Case 17.4.1.2 Number 17.4.1.3 Definite marker and possessive marker 17.4.2 Pronouns 17.4.3 Numerals 17.4.3.1 Numbers 17.4.3.2 Numerical classifiers 17.4.4 Property words 17.4.4.1 Adjective-forming suffixes 17.4.4.2 Degree 17.4.4.3 Intensity by reduplication 17.4.5 Verbs 17.4.5.1 Finite 17.4.5.1.1 Aspect 17.4.5.1.2 Negation 17.4.5.2 Nonfinite 17.4.5.2.1 Infinitives 17.4.5.2.2 Participles 17.4.5.2.3 Converbs 17.4.5.3 Use of nonfinite suffix as finite 17.4.6 Derivational morphology 17.4.6.1 Noun-forming derivational suffixes 17.4.6.2 Verb-forming derivational suffixes 17.5 Syntax 17.5.1 The clause 17.5.1.1 Basic word order 17.5.1.2 Subordination, cosubordination 17.5.1.2.1 Subordinate 17.5.1.2.2 Cosubordinate 17.5.1.2.3 Coordinate 17.5.1.3 Expressions of ‘being’ and ‘having’ 17.5.1.3.1 Existential constructions (no LOC) 17.5.1.3.2 Possessive constructions 17.5.2 The nominal group 17.5.2.1 Case system 17.5.2.2 Topic marking 17.5.3 The verbal group 17.5.3.1 Voice and valency 17.5.3.1.1 Dative/accusative alternation 17.5.3.1.2 Causative and passive constructions 17.5.3.1.3 Causative/passive isomorphism 17.5.3.1.4 Reflexives and reciprocals 17.5.3.2 Tense, aspect, mood 17.5.3.2.1 Tense 17.5.3.2.2 Aspect and mood 17.5.3.3 Conjunct/disjunct 17.5.3.4 Negation 17.6 Lexicon Chapter 18: Even and the Northern Tungusic languages 18.1 Introduction 18.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 18.3 Phonology 18.3.1 Consonants 18.3.2 Vowels 18.3.3 Syllable structure 18.3.4 Morphophonology 18.4 Morphology 18.4.1 Inflectional morphology of nouns 18.4.2 Pronouns 18.4.3 Numerals 18.4.3.1 Cardinal numerals 18.4.3.2 Numeral derivation 18.4.4 Property words 18.4.5 Inflectional morphology of verbs 18.4.6 Derivational morphology 18.4.6.1 Verb > Verb 18.4.6.2 Verb > Noun and Noun > Verb 18.4.6.3 Noun > Noun 18.5 Syntax 18.5.1 The clause 18.5.2 The nominal group 18.5.3 The verbal group 18.5.4 Complex sentences 18.5.4.1 Coordination 18.5.4.2 Subordination 18.6 Lexicon Chapter 19: Nanai and the Southern Tungusic languages 19.1 Introduction 19.2 Historical connections: Genealogyand contact 19.2.1 Phonological features 19.2.2 Morphological features 19.2.3 Syntactic features 19.2.4 Grammaticalization features 19.3 Phonology 19.3.1 Consonants 19.3.2 Vowels 19.3.3 Syllable structure 19.3.4 Morphophonology 19.3.5 Suprasegmentals 19.4 Morphology 19.4.1 Inflectional morphology of nouns 19.4.2 Inflectional morphology of pronouns 19.4.3 Numerals 19.4.4 Property words 19.4.5 Inflectional morphology of verbs 19.4.6 Derivational morphology 19.5 Syntax 19.5.1 The clause 19.5.2 The nominal group 19.5.3 The verbal group 19.6 Lexicon Acknowledgments Chapter 20: Dagur 20.1 Introduction 20.1.1 Profile of Dagur 20.1.2 The writing systems for Dagur 20.1.3 Language name 20.1.4 Sources 20.2 Historical connections 20.3 Phonology 20.3.1 Consonants 20.3.2 Vowels 20.3.3 Syllable structure 20.3.4 Morphophonology 20.3.4.1 Vowel harmony 20.3.4.2 Inserted consonants 20.4 Morphology 20.4.1 Nominals 20.4.1.1 Nouns 20.4.1.2 Pronouns 20.4.1.3 Numerals 20.4.1.4 Adjectival words 20.4.2 Verbs 20.4.2.1 Finite form 20.4.2.2 Nonfinite: Participles, converbs 20.4.3 Derivational morphology 20.5 Syntax 20.5.1 Clausal syntax 20.5.1.1 Basic word order 20.5.1.2 Main clause 20.5.1.3 Complex sentence 20.5.2 The nominal syntax 20.5.2.1 Case systems 20.5.2.2 Possessive agreement 20.5.2.3 Topic and focus marking 20.5.2.4 Nominal predicate 20.5.3 The verbal syntax 20.5.3.1 Voice 20.5.3.2 Tense 20.5.3.3 Aspect 20.5.3.4 Verbal negation 20.6 Lexicon Chapter 21: Khalkha Mongolian 21.1 Introduction 21.1.1 Writing systems 21.1.2 Previous scholarship 21.2 Historical connections 21.3 Phonology 21.3.1 Consonants 21.3.2 Vowels 21.3.3 Syllable and word structure 21.3.4 Morphophonology 21.3.4.1 Vowel harmony 21.3.4.2 Schwa ~ zero alternation 21.3.4.3 Other morphophonological processes 21.3.5 Suprasegmentals 21.4 Morphology 21.4.1 Nouns 21.4.2 Pronouns 21.4.3 Numerals 21.4.4 Property words 21.4.5 Verbs 21.4.5.1 Negation 21.4.6 Derivational morphology 21.5 Syntax 21.5.1 The clause 21.5.1.1 Questions 21.5.1.2 Subordinate clauses 21.5.1.3 Being and having 21.5.2 The nominal group 21.5.3 The verbal group 21.5.3.1 Voice 21.5.3.2 Tense 21.5.3.3 Aspect 21.5.3.4 Mood 21.6 Lexicon Chapter 22: Oirat and Kalmyk, the WesternMongolic languages 22.1 Introduction 22.1.1 Oirat—the linguistic, historical, and cultural term 22.1.2 Geography (location) 22.1.3 Demography 22.1.4 Orthography (writing systems) 22.1.5 Sources and previous scholarship onOirat and Kalmyk 22.2 Historical contexts, influences, dialects 22.2.1 Historical Oirat 22.2.2 Oirat and Kalmyk dialects 22.3 Phonology and phonetics of Oirat 22.3.1 The consonant system of Oirat and Kalmyk 22.3.2 The vowel system 22.3.3 Morphemic (syllable) structure 22.3.4 Oirat and Kalmyk morphophonology 22.3.4.1 Vowel harmony 22.3.4.2 Accent 22.4 Morphology 22.4.1 Parts of speech 22.4.2 Nouns (number and case) 22.4.2.1 Plurality 22.4.2.2 Cases 22.4.3 Pronouns 22.4.3.1 Personal pronouns and possessive declension 22.4.3.2 Demonstrative pronouns 22.4.3.3 Reflexive pronoun 22.4.3.4 Interrogative pronouns 22.4.3.5 Indefinite pronouns 22.4.4 Numerals 22.4.5 Verbal morphology 22.4.5.1 Imperatives 22.4.5.2 Participles 22.4.5.3 Converbs 22.4.5.4 Tense and aspect markers 22.4.5.5 Person 22.4.6 Derivational morphology 22.4.6.1 Nominal derivation 22.4.6.2 Verbal derivation 22.5 Syntax 22.5.1 Syntactic structure, basic word order 22.5.2 Topic and focus marking 22.5.3 Negation 22.5.4 Reported speech 22.5.5 Levels of speech 22.6 Lexicon Chapter 23: The Northwestern Turkic (Kipchak) languages 23.1 Introduction 23.2 The Northwestern branch of Turkic 23.2.1 Kazakh 23.2.2 Karaim 23.3 Typical Turkic features inNorthwestern Turkic 23.3.1 Sound systems 23.3.1.1 Vowels 23.3.1.2 Consonants 23.3.1.3 Sound harmony 23.3.1.4 Some typical morphophonological rules 23.3.1.5 Syllable structure 23.3.1.6 Word accent 23.3.2 Word structure 23.3.2.1 Nominal categories: Number, possessive, and case 23.3.2.2 Pronouns 23.3.2.3 Postpositions 23.3.2.4 Verbal categories: Viewpoint aspect, mood,modality, actionality 23.3.2.4.1 Intraterminals 23.3.2.4.2 Terminals 23.3.2.4.3 Postterminals. Evidentials 23.3.2.4.4 Aorist 23.3.2.4.5 Imperative mood 23.3.2.4.6 Voluntative modality 23.3.2.4.7 Optative modality 23.3.2.4.8 Hypothetical modality 23.3.2.4.9 Necessitative modality 23.3.2.4.10 Postverbial constructions 23.3.3 Copula 23.3.4 Nonfinite verb forms 23.3.4.1 Action nominals 23.3.4.2 Participant nominals 23.3.4.3 Converbs 23.3.5 Clause structure 23.3.5.1 Basic word order 23.3.5.2 Nominal phrase compounds 23.3.5.3 Clause embedding 23.3.5.4 Relative clauses 23.3.5.5 Predicative possession and comparison 23.3.5.6 Interrogation 23.4 Grammaticalization 23.5 Lexicon 23.6 Notations Chapter 24: Turkish and the Southwestern Turkic (Oghuz) languages 24.1 Introduction 24.2 Historical connections: genealogy and contact 24.3 Phonology 24.3.1 Consonants 24.3.2 Vowels 24.3.3 Syllable structure 24.3.4 Morphophonology 24.3.4.1 Syllable-final oral stop devoicing 24.3.4.2 The k/∅ alternation 24.3.4.3 Word-final liquid devoicing 24.3.4.4 Morpheme-initial voicing assimilation 24.3.4.5 Labial attraction 24.3.5 Suprasegmentals 24.4 Morphology 24.4.1 Inflectional morphology of nouns 24.4.2 Pronouns and “possessive” suffixes 24.4.3 Numerals 24.4.4 Property words 24.4.5 Verb 24.4.6 Derivational morphology 24.5 Syntax 24.5.1 The clause 24.5.2 The nominal group 24.5.3 The verbal group 24.6 Lexicon Chapter 25: Uyghur and Uzbek, the Southeastern Turkic languages 25.1 Introduction 25.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 25.3 Phonology 25.3.1 Consonants 25.3.2 Vowels 25.3.3 Morphophonology 25.3.4 Umlauting 25.3.5 Other sound changes 25.4 Morphology 25.4.1 Nouns 25.4.2 Pronouns 25.4.3 Numerals and classifiers 25.4.4 Verbals: Imperatives 25.4.5 Tense and aspect 25.4.6 Nonfinite forms 25.4.7 Modal forms 25.4.8 Derivational morphology 25.5 Syntax 25.5.1 Compounding 25.5.2 Nominal phrases 25.5.3 Postpositional phrases 25.5.4 Relative clauses 25.5.5 Voice and valency 25.5.6 Negation 25.5.7 Verbal phrases coding actionality 25.5.8 The sentence: predicate nominals 25.6 Lexicon Chapter 26: Sakha and Dolgan, the North Siberian Turkic languages 26.1 Introduction 26.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 26.3 Phonology 26.3.1 Consonants 26.3.2 Vowels 26.3.3 Phonotactics 26.4 Morphology 26.4.1 Nouns 26.4.2 Pronouns and possessive suffixes 26.4.3 Numerals 26.4.4 Property words 26.4.5 Verbs 26.4.5.1 Tense 26.4.5.2 Mood 26.4.5.3 Aspect/Aktionsart 26.4.5.4 Nonfinite verbal morphology 26.4.6 Derivational morphology 26.4.6.1 Verbal derivation 26.4.6.2 Nominal derivation 26.4.6.3 Other derivational suffixes 26.5 Syntax 26.5.1 The clause 26.5.2 The nominal group 26.5.3 The verbal group 26.5.4 Complex sentences 26.6 Lexicon Chapter 27: Chuvash and the Bulgharic languages 27.1 Introduction 27.2 Historical connections: Genealogy and contact 27.3 Phonology 27.3.1 Consonants 27.3.2 Vowels 27.3.3 Syllable and word structure 27.3.4 Morphophonology 27.3.5 Suprasegmentals 27.4 Morphology 27.4.1 Nouns 27.4.1.1 Number 27.4.1.2 Case 27.4.1.3 Possessive suffixes 27.4.2 Pronouns 27.4.3 Numerals 27.4.4 Property words 27.4.5 Verbs 27.4.5.1 Person and number 27.4.5.2 Tense and mood 27.4.5.2.1 Indicative 27.4.5.2.2 Imperative 27.4.5.2.3 Conditional 27.4.5.2.4 Concessive and optative 27.4.5.3 Negation 27.4.5.4 Potential form 27.4.5.5 Aspect 27.4.5.6 Nonfinite verbs 27.5 Syntax 27.5.1 The nominal group 27.5.2 The verbal group 27.5.3 The clause 27.6 Lexicon Acknowledgments Part III: Comparative Overviews A. Phonology Chapter 28: A comparative approach to the consonant inventory of the Transeurasian languages 28.1 Introduction 28.2 The reconstruction of theProto-Transeurasi an consonant inventory 28.3 Correspondences 28.4 Turkic 28.5 Mongolic 28.6 Tungusic 28.7 Korean 28.8 Japonic 28.9 Root structure patterning in Proto-Transeurasian Chapter 29: A comparative approach to the vowel systems and harmonies in the Transeurasian languages and beyond 29.1 Introduction 29.2 Vowel system and harmony in the Transeurasian languages 29.2.1 Backness (palatal) vs. tongue-rootvowel systems 29.2.1.1 What is a [±back] system? 29.2.1.2 What is a [±rtr] system? 29.2.1.3 TRH systems in the Korean, Mongolic, and Tungusic languages 29.2.1.4 Evidence in favor of [±rtr] over [±atr] as the harmonic featur 29.2.2 Reconstructing [±rtr] harmonyin Korean, Mongolic, and Tungusic 29.2.2.1 Basic vowel correspondences in the KMT languages 29.2.2.2 PH-to-RTRH Shifts in Mongolic and Korean? 29.3 Reconstruction of classical Proto-Altaic as [±rtr] 29.3.1 Ramstedt’s Proto-Altaic as a [±rtr] system 29.3.1.1 Proto-Altaic vowel inventory according to Ramstedt (1952–66) 29.3.1.2 Vowel quantity according to Ramstedt (1952–66) 29.3.1.3 Reflexes in descendent languages 29.3.1.4 Reinterpreting the Ramstedt system 29.3.1.5 Ramstedt’s Proto-Altaic forms underthe tongue-root hypothesis 29.3.2 Poppe’s Proto-Altaic as a [±rtr] system 29.3.2.1 Proto-Altaic vowel inventory according to Poppe (1960b) 29.3.2.2 Vowel quantity according to Poppe (1960b) 29.3.2.3 Reflexes in descendent languages 29.3.2.3.1 Short vowels 29.3.2.3.2 Long vowels 29.3.2.4 Poppe’s Proto-Altaic forms under the tongue-root hypothesis 29.4 Genetic versus areal accounts of TRH 29.4.1 Micro-Altaic 29.4.2 Macro-Altaic 29.4.3 TRH and tongue-root vowel inventories in Northeast Asia 29.4.4 TRH and tongue-root vowel inventories beyond Eurasia? 29.4.4.1 TRH in North America 29.4.4.2 Other tongue-root systems in North America 29.4.5 Two types of [±rtr] system: “balanced” vs. “unbalanced”? Acknowledgment B. Morphology Chapter 30: A comparative approach to verbal morphology in Transeurasian 30.1 Introduction 30.2 Overview of the shared verbal morphology of Transeurasian 30.3 Correlations in form 30.3.1 Regular sound correspondences 30.3.2 Shared allomorphy 30.4 Correlations in function 30.5 Paradigmaticity 30.6 How likely is coincidence? 30.7 Conclusion Acknowledgment Chapter 32: A comparative approach to the pronominal system in Transeurasian Chapter 31: A comparative approach to nominal morphology in Transeurasian 31.1 Introduction 31.2 Number 31.2.1 Mongolic 31.2.1.1 Singularity in Mongolic 31.2.1.2 Paucalis and Dualis in Mongolic 31.2.1.3 Plurality in Mongolic 31.2.1.3.1 Lexical expression of plurality 31.2.1.3.2 Associative plurality 31.2.1.4 Summary 31.2.2 Turkic 31.2.2.1 Chuvash -sem 31.2.2.2 Common Turkic -lAr 31.2.2.3 The marker -t 31.2.2.4 The marker -an 31.2.2.5 Fossilized plural markers 31.2.3 Tungusic 31.2.4 Korean 31.2.5 Japonic 31.2.6 Number in Transeurasian 31.3 Case 31.3.1 Mongolic 31.3.1.1 Genitive vs. accusative 31.3.1.2 Local cases 31.3.2 Turkic 31.3.3 Tungusic 31.3.3.1 The Tungusic case system 31.3.4 Korean 31.3.5 Japonic 31.3.6 Patterns on the proto-level Chapter 32: A comparative approach to the pronominal system in Transeurasian 32.1 Typological introduction 32.2 Personal pronouns in the Transeurasian languages 32.2.1 Pronominal declension in the Turkic languages 32.2.2 Pronominal declension in the Mongolic languages 32.2.3 Pronominal declension in the Tungusic languages 32.2.4 Pronominal declension in Korean 32.2.5 Pronominal decle The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages provides a comprehensive account of the Transeurasian languages, and is the first major reference work in the field since 1965. The term 'Transeurasian' refers to a large group of geographically adjacent languages that includes five uncontroversial linguistic families: Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Turkic. The historical connection between these languages, however, constitutes one of the most debated issues in historical comparative linguistics. In the present book, a team of leading international scholars in the field take a balanced approach to this controversy, integrating different theoretical frameworks, combining both functional and formal linguistics, and showing that genealogical and areal approaches are in fact compatible with one another. 0The volume is divided into five parts. Part I deals with the historical sources and periodization of the Transeurasian languages and their classification and typology. In Part II, chapters provide individual structural overviews of the Transeurasian languages and the linguistic subgroups that they belong to, while Part III explores Transeurasian phonology, morphology, syntax, lexis, and semantics from a comparative perspective. Part IV offers a range of areal and genealogical explanations for the correlations observed in the preceding parts. Finally, Part V combines archaeological, genetic, and anthropological perspectives on the identity of speakers of Transeurasian languages. The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages will be an indispensable resource for specialists in Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Turkic languages and for anyone with an interest in Transeurasian and comparative linguistics more broadly