The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology (Cambridge Handbooks in Language and Linguistics)

This handbook contains current trends and theories in phonology. The core of this handbook is about the popular phonological model - Optimality Theory, but there are also some chapters, which talk about the development of phonology without OT (e.g. Keren Rice in Ch.4, Matthew Gordon in Ch.3). Each chapter gives a good elaboration about the topic of that chapter in way of being easily understood. That's why I said that this handbook is educational. Meanwhile, every chapter independently discusses how phonology plays different role with different perspective. Therefore, you must have some basic understanding to phonology or OT to comprehend some deep thoughts. That's why I also said that this handbook is theoretical. As shown in the table of contents, none of chapters is more than 40 pages. The first few chapters even have less than 20 pages, which should not be a burden for a reader to digest the most important concept(s) in these chapters. If compared to Goldsmith's The Handbook of Phonological Theory (Blackwell Handbooks in Linguistics), I would say that de Lacy's handbook is even more like a 'handbook' (I mean, easier). (It doesn't mean that Goldsmith's handbook is bad. It is just harder but is still a very important one.) Many famous phonologists contribute to this handbook and make this handbook definitely worthwhile. Besides, each chapter has a strong connection with each other. Especially, the editor Paul de Lacy categorizes chapters into four themes. A reader can therefore know where he/she is going or what he/she is looking for. Contributors in this handbook try to be unbiased in introducing different phonological theories or aspects. They also keep throwing questions to readers and lead readers to think more about phonology. In sum, I suggest that all the linguistics students or phonologists should read through this handbook to understand what phonology is nowadays. 9780521848794 Cover 1 Half-title 3 Title 5 Copyright 6 Contents 7 Contributors 9 Acknowledgements 11 Introduction: aims and content 13 Introduction 13 1 Aims 13 2 Website 14 3 Audience and role 14 4 Structure and content 14 1 Themes in phonology 17 1.1 Introduction 17 1.1.1 Structure 17 1.1.2 Summary of themes 20 1.2 The influence of Optimality Theory 21 OT Architecture 21 Tableaux 23 Core principles 24 1.2.1 Derivation and faithfulness 25 Parallelism 26 Global conditions 27 Opacity 29 1.2.2 Constraints and their interaction 29 Faithfulness 29 Interactions of markedness and faithfulness 30 1.2.3 The lexicon 32 1.2.4 OT theories and other theories 33 1.3 Representation and explanation 34 Markedness and representation 34 Representation in current theory 36 1.4 Functionalism 37 1.4.1 The Formalist approach 38 1.4.2 Challenges 39 1.5 Conclusions 41 Notes 41 Part I Conceptual issues 43 2 The pursuit of theory 45 2.1 The Theory is also an object of analysis 45 2.1.1 Optimality Theory as it is 46 2.1.2 Using the Evaluation Metric 49 2.2 What is real and what is not 52 2.3 Following the Analytical Method 56 2.3.1 Harmonic Ascent 56 2.3.2 The Barrier Models 60 2.4 Description and descriptivism 64 2.5 Conclusion 67 Notes 69 3 Functionalism in phonology 73 3.1 Introduction 73 3.2 The groundwork for phonetically-driven phonology 74 3.3 Optimality Theory and phonetic motivations in phonology 75 3.3.1 Universal perceptibility hierarchies in phonetically-driven OT: the case of laryngeal neutralization 75 3.3.2 Language specificity in phonetic conditioning factors: the case of syllable weight 78 3.3.3 Phonological simplicity in phonetically-driven phonology 79 3.3.3.1 Simplicity in syllable weight 79 3.3.3.1 Simplicity in obstruent voicing patterns 80 3.3.4 Continuous phonetic variables and constraint formulation: the case of contour tones 81 3.4 Other functional factors in phonology 84 3.4.1 Speech processing and phonology 84 3.4.2 Frequency in phonology 85 3.5 The synchronic vs. diachronic role of phonetics in phonology 86 3.6 Conclusions 89 Note 89 4 Markedness in phonology 91 4.1 Introduction 91 4.2 Defining markedness 91 4.3 A.simple example of markedness 93 4.4 Markedness and phonological features 93 4.5 The phonological diagnostics for featural markedness 94 4.5.1 The emergence of the unmarked 1: neutralization 94 4.5.2 The emergence of the unmarked 2: epenthesis 95 4.5.3 The submergence of the unmarked 1: asymmetries in assimilation 96 4.5.4 The submergence of the unmarked 2: deletion and coalescence 96 4.5.5 The transparency of the unmarked: non-local assimilation 97 4.6 Complications 97 4.6.1 Contrast: variation in the unmarked depending upon inventory 98 4.6.2 The absence of contrast: variation in the emergence of the unmarked 100 4.6.3 Variation in markedness in the presence of similar contrasts 102 4.6.4 How much variation is possible? 104 4.6.5 Summary 105 4.7 Other markedness diagnostics: implication and frequency 105 4.8 Conclusion 108 Notes 108 5 Derivations and levels of representation 111 5.1 Introduction 111 5.2 Levels of representation 111 5.3 Derivations 114 5.4 Opacity 119 5.5 Cyclicity 126 5.6 Conclusion 129 6 Representation 131 6.1 Introduction 131 6.2 The nature of phonological representation 132 6.2.1 Are phonological representations categorical? 132 6.2.2 Do phonological representations explain anything? 134 6.3 Segmental representation 136 6.3.1 Articulatory vs. auditory-acoustic features 136 6.3.2 Valency 138 6.3.3 Hierarchical organisation 140 6.3.4 Partial specification 142 6.4 Prosodic structure 143 6.4.1 Syllable structure and the skeletal tier 143 6.4.2 Head-dependency relations in prosodic structure 146 6.5 Conclusion 148 Note 149 7 Contrast 151 7.1 Introduction: basic notions and outline 151 7.2 Contrast beyond segments 152 7.3 Laws constraining phonemic sets 153 7.4 Underlying and derived alphabets 154 7.4.1 Early generative grammar 154 7.4.2 Lexical Phonology and Structure Preservation 155 7.4.3 Contrast and allophony in OT 159 7.4.4 Richness of the Base and Lexicon Optimization 163 7.5 Constraints on contrast 164 7.6 Interactions between dimensions of contrast 167 7.7 Conclusion 168 Notes 168 Part II Prosody 171 8 The syllable 173 8.1 Introduction 173 8.2 The syllable as the domain of segment sequencing 174 8.3 Basic syllable shapes 175 8.3.1 Typology 175 8.3.2 Formal account 177 8.3.3 Syllable-related phonological processes 181 8.4 Representation of subsyllabic constituency 183 8.4.1 Representing the nucleus 183 8.4.2 Representing weight 185 8.4.3 Concluding remarks on subsyllabic constituency 187 8.5 Sonority 189 8.5.1 Sonority thresholds 191 8.5.1.1 Sonority thresholds on the syllable peak 191 8.5.1.2 Sonority thresholds on the mora 195 8.5.2 Constraints on sonority distance 199 8.5.2.1 Sonority distance from onset to nucleus 200 8.5.2.2 Sonority distance within a complex onset 200 8.5.2.3 Sonority distance in syllable contact 201 8.6 Closing remarks 203 Notes 204 9 Feet and metrical stress 207 9.1 Metrical stress: introduction 207 9.1.1 What are stress languages? 207 9.1.2 Cross-linguistic properties of stress 208 9.1.2.1 Culminative stress 208 9.1.2.2 Demarcative stress 208 9.1.2.3 Rhythm 209 9.1.2.4 Quantity-sensitivity 210 9.2 The formal representation of stress 210 9.2.1 The grid 211 9.2.2 Metrical constituency 211 9.2.3 An inventory of metrical feet 212 9.2.3.1 Syllabic trochees 213 9.2.3.2 Moraic trochees 215 9.2.3.3 Iambs 216 9.2.3.4 Alternative foot inventories 217 9.3 Metrification in Optimality Theory 218 9.3.1 Binary quantity-insensitive systems 218 9.3.2 Mixed binary + unary systems 220 9.3.3 Bidirectional systems 222 9.3.4 Ternary systems 224 9.3.5 Quantity-sensitive systems 226 9.3.6 Unbounded systems 227 9.3.7 Revising classical alignment theory 230 9.4 Feet in phonological domains and prosodic morphology 233 9.4.1 Feet as phonological domains 234 9.4.2 Minimal words 235 9.4.3 Morphological templates 236 9.5 Conclusion 239 Note 239 10 Tone 241 10.1 Introduction 241 10.1.1 A descriptive summary 242 10.1.1.1 Tonal inventories 243 10.1.1.2 Tonal alternations 244 10.1.1.3 Segmental influences 245 10.2 A theoretical framework for tone 245 10.2.1 Distinctive features of tone 245 10.2.2 The autosegmental behavior of tone 247 10.2.3 The formal representation of tonal alternations 249 10.3 Case studies and exemplification 250 10.3.1 Mende tone association 250 10.3.2 Tone–stress interaction 254 10.3.3 Local tone changes and the OCP in Bantu languages 258 10.4 Tone and its surroundings 262 10.4.1 The interfaces between tone and intonation 262 10.4.2 Phonetics of tone 262 10.4.3 Acquisition of tone 263 Notes 263 11 Intonation 265 11.1 Introduction 265 11.2 Basic structures 266 11.3 Representations and phonetic implementation 269 11.3.1 Tone-Bearing Units 270 11.3.2 Interpolation 272 11.3.3 From representation to implementation 275 11.4 Aspects of phonetic implementation 275 11.4.1 Truncation 276 11.4.2 Peak delay 276 11.4.3 Dipping 277 11.4.4 Declination 278 11.5 Phonological timing relations: association and OT alignment 279 11.5.1 Locating unassociated tones 280 11.5.2 Competing for the same edge 284 11.6 Arguments used in tonal analyses 284 11.6.1 Phonetic considerations 285 11.6.2 Distributional considerations 288 11.6.3 Semantic criteria 289 11.6.4 Analytical coherence 291 11.7 Conclusion 291 Notes 291 12 The interaction of tone, sonority, and prosodic structure 293 12.1 Introduction 293 12.2 Sonority and prosodic position 295 12.2.1 Sensitivity through stringent constraint form 295 Sonority 296 Avoidance of stressed high vowels 297 Avoidance of stressed mid vowels 298 Emergent edge attraction 298 Do feet exist in Takia? 299 The final main-stress ranking 299 Expressing universality 299 12.2.2 Typology and fixed ranking 300 Hierarchy through fixed ranking 300 Typology 302 Sonority, or something else? 303 12.2.3 Representational approaches 304 Prominence grids 304 Moras and featurelessness 305 12.3 Non-heads and other levels 307 Interaction with metrical structure 308 12.4 Tone 309 Tone and sonority? 311 12.5 Other prosodic levels 311 12.6 Faithfulness responses 313 12.6.1 Neutralization 313 12.6.2 Deletion 314 12.6.3 Metathesis and coalescence 316 12.7 Conclusions 317 Notes 318 Part III Segmental phenomena 321 13 Segmental features 323 13.1 Introduction 323 13.2 Phonological features 324 13.3 Major class features 326 13.3.1 [consonantal] and [sonorant] 326 13.3.2 [approximant] 328 13.4 Laryngeal features 328 13.5 Manner features 330 13.5.1 [continuant] 331 13.5.2 [nasal] 331 13.5.3 [lateral] 332 13.5.4 [strident] 333 13.6 Place features 333 13.6.1 Features relating to the lips 334 13.6.2 Features relating to the front of the tongue 335 13.6.2.1 coronal 335 13.6.2.2 [anterior] 336 13.6.2.3 [distributed] 337 13.6.3 Features relating to the dorsum 339 13.6.3.1 dorsal and [back] 339 13.6.3.2 Tongue height features 340 13.6.4 Features relating to the tongue root 341 13.7 Complex vs. contour segments 342 13.8 Feature value charts 344 Notes 345 14 Local assimilation and constraint interaction 347 14.1 Introduction 347 14.2 Interaction with segmental markedness 350 14.2.1 Blocking of assimilation 352 14.2.2 Assimilation, respecting dependency 353 14.2.3 Assimilation, respecting markedness 354 14.2.4 Summary 354 14.3 Heterogeneity of process 355 14.3.1 Deletion as a backup to assimilation 356 14.3.2 Epenthesis as a backup to assimilation 357 14.3.3 Discussion 358 14.4 Remaining issues 360 14.4.1 Phonetic substance 360 14.4.2 Features and segments 360 14.4.3 Directionality 361 14.4.4 Alternatives to Agree(x) 362 14.5 Concluding remark 363 Notes 363 15 Harmony 365 15.1 Introduction 365 15.2 Description of harmonic patterns 366 15.2.1 What is ‘(canonical) harmony’? 366 15.3 Harmonic features 367 15.4 Conditions on harmonic elements 368 15.4.1 Conditions on targets 369 Features as delimiters 369 Positions as delimiters 371 15.4.2 Conditions on triggers 372 Features as delimiters 372 Positions as delimiters 373 15.4.3 Conditions on targets and triggers 373 15.4.4 Summary 374 15.5 Domain of harmony 374 15.5.1 Phonological domain restrictions 374 15.5.2 Morphological domains 375 Morphologically-delimited triggers 375 Morphologically defined targets 376 Morphologically-delimited trigger and target 376 Syntactically-delimited targets 377 15.5.3 Summary 377 15.6 Directionality 378 15.7 Iteration 379 15.8 Consecutive sequences of harmonic elements: locality issues 380 15.8.1 Apparent transparency 381 15.8.2 Transparency of impossible targets 382 15.8.3 Irrelevant, or marginally interacting, transparency 384 15.8.4 Transparent segments are fully compatible with the harmonic feature 386 15.8.5 Local harmony but non-local target–trigger relations 387 15.9 Conclusion 388 Notes 388 16 Dissimilation in grammar and the lexicon 391 16.1 Introduction 391 16.2 Parameters of dissimilation 392 16.3 Diachronic seeds of dissimilation: hypercorrection 396 16.4 Generative approaches to dissimilation 400 16.4.1 Tier phonology, the OCP, and feature specification 400 16.4.2 Cumulative markedness in Optimality Theory 403 16.5 Probabilistic approaches to dissimilation 404 16.5.1 Probability in the lexicon 405 16.5.2 Probabilistic dissimilation in the lexicon 406 16.6 Conclusion and issues for further research 408 Note 410 Part IV Internal interfaces 411 17 The phonetics–phonology interface 413 17.1 Introduction 413 17.2 Definition 414 17.2.1 Resolving the variability problem 414 17.2.1.1 Articulatory Phonology 415 17.2.1.2 Auditorism 415 17.2.2 Articulatory or auditory targets? 417 17.3 Explanation 418 17.3.1 Introduction 418 17.3.2 Explaining inventory content 419 17.3.2.1 Introduction 419 17.3.2.2 Oral vowels: the facts to be explained 419 17.3.2.3 Peripheral vs. central vowels 421 17.3.2.4 The explanation 423 17.3.2.5 Nasal vowels 428 17.3.2.6 Vowel reduction 430 17.3.2.7 The phonological consequences of vowel reduction vs. nasalization 434 17.3.3 Explaining sound change 435 17.3.3.1 Introduction 435 17.3.3.2 The phonetics of Athabaskan tonogenesis 435 17.3.3.3 Licensing by cue 438 17.3.3.4 Evolutionary phonology 439 17.4 Implementation 440 17.4.1 Introduction 440 17.4.2 The phonetics of place and markedness 440 17.4.3 Categories and gradients 442 17.5 Summary and concluding remarks 443 Notes 444 18 The syntax–phonology interface 447 18.1 Introduction 447 18.2 The prosodic representation 447 18.3 Edge-alignment of XPs 449 18.4 Wrapping of XPs 450 18.5 Stress and focus 454 18.6 Stress and XPs 455 18.7 The distinction between lexical and functional projections 460 18.8 Eurythmic effects on phrasing 463 18.9 Intonation phrases 466 18.10 Summary 467 Notes 467 19 Morpheme position 469 19.1 Introduction 469 19.2 The theory of edge orientation 470 19.2.1 Generalized Alignment 470 19.2.2 Cases 470 19.2.3 Alternative approaches 471 19.3 Phonological demands on well-formedness may override alignment 472 19.3.1 Variable-direction affixes 472 19.3.2 Phonologically driven infixation 473 19.3.3 Infixation to a prosodic category 474 19.4 Phonology beats both alignment and morpheme contiguity 475 19.5 Conclusion 483 Notes 483 20 Reduplication 485 20.1 Introduction 485 20.2 Segmental identity 486 20.2.1 Overview 486 20.2.2 Correspondence Theory 487 20.2.3 Normal and over-/under-application 488 20.2.4 Emergence of the unmarked 490 20.2.5 Fixed segmentism 491 20.2.6 Alternatives and extensions to Correspondence Theory 493 20.3 Shape 495 20.3.1 Overview 495 20.3.2 Prosodic templates 496 20.3.3 Generalized templates 497 20.4 The base of reduplication 499 20.4.1 Overview 499 20.4.2 Adjacency 500 20.4.3 Root preference 502 20.5 Summary 504 Notes 504 Part V External interfaces 507 21 Diachronic phonology 509 21.1 Introduction 509 21.2 The implementation problem: how gradual is phonological change? 510 21.3 The view from generative phonology 513 21.3.1 Modular feedforward models: phonological rules vs. phonetic rules 513 21.3.2 The life cycle of sound patterns, stabilization, and secondary split 515 Phase I 516 Phase II 516 Phase III 516 Phase IV 516 21.3.3 The mechanism of classical lexical diffusion 520 21.4 The view from functionalist phonology 524 21.4.1 Exemplar clouds 524 21.4.2 The problem of phonetic residue 525 21.4.3 Dealing with frequency effects 526 Notes 528 22 Variation and optionality 531 22.1 Preliminaries 531 22.2 What should a phonological theory of variation explain? 532 22.3 Three theories of variation 533 22.3.1 Multiple Grammars 533 22.3.2 Partially Ordered Grammars 538 22.3.3 Stochastic Optimality Theory 543 22.4 External factors 546 22.5 A methodological note 547 Notes 547 23 Acquiring phonology 549 23.1 Introduction 549 23.2 Child phonology research: production 551 23.2.1 Acquiring phonological contrasts 552 23.2.2 Processes in child phonology 553 23.2.3 The acquisition of prosodic structure: syllable structure and stress 556 23.3 Phonological acquisition in Optimality Theory 559 23.4 Child speech perception and word recognition 562 23.5 Phonological representations in the mental lexicon 563 23.6 Summary and directions for future research 565 Notes 565 24 Learnability 567 24.1 Learnability in phonology 567 24.2 Learning with soft constraints: Constraint Demotion 569 24.3 Selecting competitors and the role of parsing 572 24.4 Robustness to data errors 575 24.5 The subset problem and phonotactic learning 577 24.6 Structural ambiguity 581 24.7 Learning underlying forms 584 24.8 Discussion 585 Notes 586 25 Phonological impairment in children and adults 587 25.1 Introduction 587 25.1.1 Topics and definitions of phonological terms 587 25.1.2 Definitions of non-phonological terms 589 25.2 Children with atypical phonological systems 590 25.2.1 Syllable markedness in children with atypical phonological systems 590 25.2.2 Segmental markedness in children's atypical phonological systems 592 25.2.3 Summary: markedness and children with atypical phonological systems 596 25.2.4 Phonological representation in children with atypical phonological systems 596 25.2.5 Phonology–morphology interactions in children with atypical phonological systems 597 25.3 Adults with atypical phonological systems arising on an acquired neurogenic basis 598 25.3.1 Structural (and segmental) markedness and adult neurogenic disorders 598 25.3.2 Segmental markedness and adult neurogenic disorders 600 25.3.3 Phonological representation and adult neurogenic disorders 601 25.3.4 Phonology–morphology interactions and adult neurogenic disorders 602 25.4 Discussion and conclusion 605 References 607 Journal, book series, and on-line archive abbreviations 607 Conference proceedings and working papers 607 Publisher abbreviations 608 Academic institution abbreviations 608 Index of subjects 701 Index of languages and language families 707 #,Publisher:,Cambridge,University,Press,#,Number,Of,Pages:,708,#,Publication,Date:,2007-02-12,#,ISBN-10,/,ASIN:,0521848792 Cover......Page 1 Half-title......Page 3 Title......Page 5 Copyright......Page 6 Contents......Page 7 Contributors......Page 9 Acknowledgements......Page 11 1 Aims......Page 13 4 Structure and content......Page 14 1.1.1 Structure......Page 17 1.1.2 Summary of themes......Page 20 OT Architecture......Page 21 Tableaux......Page 23 Core principles......Page 24 1.2.1 Derivation and faithfulness......Page 25 Parallelism......Page 26 Global conditions......Page 27 Faithfulness......Page 29 Interactions of markedness and faithfulness......Page 30 1.2.3 The lexicon......Page 32 1.2.4 OT theories and other theories......Page 33 Markedness and representation......Page 34 Representation in current theory......Page 36 1.4 Functionalism......Page 37 1.4.1 The Formalist approach......Page 38 1.4.2 Challenges......Page 39 Notes......Page 41 Part I Conceptual issues......Page 43 2.1 The Theory is also an object of analysis......Page 45 2.1.1 Optimality Theory as it is......Page 46 2.1.2 Using the Evaluation Metric......Page 49 2.2 What is real and what is not......Page 52 2.3.1 Harmonic Ascent......Page 56 2.3.2 The Barrier Models......Page 60 2.4 Description and descriptivism......Page 64 2.5 Conclusion......Page 67 Notes......Page 69 3.1 Introduction......Page 73 3.2 The groundwork for phonetically-driven phonology......Page 74 3.3.1 Universal perceptibility hierarchies in phonetically-driven OT: the case of laryngeal neutralization......Page 75 3.3.2 Language specificity in phonetic conditioning factors: the case of syllable weight......Page 78 3.3.3.1 Simplicity in syllable weight......Page 79 3.3.3.1 Simplicity in obstruent voicing patterns......Page 80 3.3.4 Continuous phonetic variables and constraint formulation: the case of contour tones......Page 81 3.4.1 Speech processing and phonology......Page 84 3.4.2 Frequency in phonology......Page 85 3.5 The synchronic vs. diachronic role of phonetics in phonology......Page 86 Note......Page 89 4.2 Defining markedness......Page 91 4.4 Markedness and phonological features......Page 93 4.5.1 The emergence of the unmarked 1: neutralization......Page 94 4.5.2 The emergence of the unmarked 2: epenthesis......Page 95 4.5.4 The submergence of the unmarked 2: deletion and coalescence......Page 96 4.6 Complications......Page 97 4.6.1 Contrast: variation in the unmarked depending upon inventory......Page 98 4.6.2 The absence of contrast: variation in the emergence of the unmarked......Page 100 4.6.3 Variation in markedness in the presence of similar contrasts......Page 102 4.6.4 How much variation is possible?......Page 104 4.7 Other markedness diagnostics: implication and frequency......Page 105 Notes......Page 108 5.2 Levels of representation......Page 111 5.3 Derivations......Page 114 5.4 Opacity......Page 119 5.5 Cyclicity......Page 126 5.6 Conclusion......Page 129 6.1 Introduction......Page 131 6.2.1 Are phonological representations categorical?......Page 132 6.2.2 Do phonological representations explain anything?......Page 134 6.3.1 Articulatory vs. auditory-acoustic features......Page 136 6.3.2 Valency......Page 138 6.3.3 Hierarchical organisation......Page 140 6.3.4 Partial specification......Page 142 6.4.1 Syllable structure and the skeletal tier......Page 143 6.4.2 Head-dependency relations in prosodic structure......Page 146 6.5 Conclusion......Page 148 Note......Page 149 7.1 Introduction: basic notions and outline......Page 151 7.2 Contrast beyond segments......Page 152 7.3 Laws constraining phonemic sets......Page 153 7.4.1 Early generative grammar......Page 154 7.4.2 Lexical Phonology and Structure Preservation......Page 155 7.4.3 Contrast and allophony in OT......Page 159 7.4.4 Richness of the Base and Lexicon Optimization......Page 163 7.5 Constraints on contrast......Page 164 7.6 Interactions between dimensions of contrast......Page 167 Notes......Page 168 Part II Prosody......Page 171 8.1 Introduction......Page 173 8.2 The syllable as the domain of segment sequencing......Page 174 8.3.1 Typology......Page 175 8.3.2 Formal account......Page 177 8.3.3 Syllable-related phonological processes......Page 181 8.4.1 Representing the nucleus......Page 183 8.4.2 Representing weight......Page 185 8.4.3 Concluding remarks on subsyllabic constituency......Page 187 8.5 Sonority......Page 189 8.5.1.1 Sonority thresholds on the syllable peak......Page 191 8.5.1.2 Sonority thresholds on the mora......Page 195 8.5.2 Constraints on sonority distance......Page 199 8.5.2.2 Sonority distance within a complex onset......Page 200 8.5.2.3 Sonority distance in syllable contact......Page 201 8.6 Closing remarks......Page 203 Notes......Page 204 9.1.1 What are stress languages?......Page 207 9.1.2.2 Demarcative stress......Page 208 9.1.2.3 Rhythm......Page 209 9.2 The formal representation of stress......Page 210 9.2.2 Metrical constituency......Page 211 9.2.3 An inventory of metrical feet......Page 212 9.2.3.1 Syllabic trochees......Page 213 9.2.3.2 Moraic trochees......Page 215 9.2.3.3 Iambs......Page 216 9.2.3.4 Alternative foot inventories......Page 217 9.3.1 Binary quantity-insensitive systems......Page 218 9.3.2 Mixed binary + unary systems......Page 220 9.3.3 Bidirectional systems......Page 222 9.3.4 Ternary systems......Page 224 9.3.5 Quantity-sensitive systems......Page 226 9.3.6 Unbounded systems......Page 227 9.3.7 Revising classical alignment theory......Page 230 9.4 Feet in phonological domains and prosodic morphology......Page 233 9.4.1 Feet as phonological domains......Page 234 9.4.2 Minimal words......Page 235 9.4.3 Morphological templates......Page 236 Note......Page 239 10.1 Introduction......Page 241 10.1.1 A descriptive summary......Page 242 10.1.1.1 Tonal inventories......Page 243 10.1.1.2 Tonal alternations......Page 244 10.2.1 Distinctive features of tone......Page 245 10.2.2 The autosegmental behavior of tone......Page 247 10.2.3 The formal representation of tonal alternations......Page 249 10.3.1 Mende tone association......Page 250 10.3.2 Tone–stress interaction......Page 254 10.3.3 Local tone changes and the OCP in Bantu languages......Page 258 10.4.2 Phonetics of tone......Page 262 Notes......Page 263 11.1 Introduction......Page 265 11.2 Basic structures......Page 266 11.3 Representations and phonetic implementation......Page 269 11.3.1 Tone-Bearing Units......Page 270 11.3.2 Interpolation......Page 272 11.4 Aspects of phonetic implementation......Page 275 11.4.2 Peak delay......Page 276 11.4.3 Dipping......Page 277 11.4.4 Declination......Page 278 11.5 Phonological timing relations: association and OT alignment......Page 279 11.5.1 Locating unassociated tones......Page 280 11.6 Arguments used in tonal analyses......Page 284 11.6.1 Phonetic considerations......Page 285 11.6.2 Distributional considerations......Page 288 11.6.3 Semantic criteria......Page 289 Notes......Page 291 12.1 Introduction......Page 293 12.2.1 Sensitivity through stringent constraint form......Page 295 Sonority......Page 296 Avoidance of stressed high vowels......Page 297 Emergent edge attraction......Page 298 Expressing universality......Page 299 Hierarchy through fixed ranking......Page 300 Typology......Page 302 Sonority, or something else?......Page 303 Prominence grids......Page 304 Moras and featurelessness......Page 305 12.3 Non-heads and other levels......Page 307 Interaction with metrical structure......Page 308 12.4 Tone......Page 309 12.5 Other prosodic levels......Page 311 12.6.1 Neutralization......Page 313 12.6.2 Deletion......Page 314 12.6.3 Metathesis and coalescence......Page 316 12.7 Conclusions......Page 317 Notes......Page 318 Part III Segmental phenomena......Page 321 13.1 Introduction......Page 323 13.2 Phonological features......Page 324 13.3.1 [consonantal] and [sonorant]......Page 326 13.4 Laryngeal features......Page 328 13.5 Manner features......Page 330 13.5.2 [nasal]......Page 331 13.5.3 [lateral]......Page 332 13.6 Place features......Page 333 13.6.1 Features relating to the lips......Page 334 13.6.2.1 coronal......Page 335 13.6.2.2 [anterior]......Page 336 13.6.2.3 [distributed]......Page 337 13.6.3.1 dorsal and [back]......Page 339 13.6.3.2 Tongue height features......Page 340 13.6.4 Features relating to the tongue root......Page 341 13.7 Complex vs. contour segments......Page 342 13.8 Feature value charts......Page 344 Notes......Page 345 14.1 Introduction......Page 347 14.2 Interaction with segmental markedness......Page 350 14.2.1 Blocking of assimilation......Page 352 14.2.2 Assimilation, respecting dependency......Page 353 14.2.4 Summary......Page 354 14.3 Heterogeneity of process......Page 355 14.3.1 Deletion as a backup to assimilation......Page 356 14.3.2 Epenthesis as a backup to assimilation......Page 357 14.3.3 Discussion......Page 358 14.4.2 Features and segments......Page 360 14.4.3 Directionality......Page 361 14.4.4 Alternatives to Agree(x)......Page 362 Notes......Page 363 15.1 Introduction......Page 365 15.2.1 What is ‘(canonical) harmony’?......Page 366 15.3 Harmonic features......Page 367 15.4 Conditions on harmonic elements......Page 368 Features as delimiters......Page 369 Positions as delimiters......Page 371 Features as delimiters......Page 372 15.4.3 Conditions on targets and triggers......Page 373 15.5.1 Phonological domain restrictions......Page 374 Morphologically-delimited triggers......Page 375 Morphologically-delimited trigger and target......Page 376 15.5.3 Summary......Page 377 15.6 Directionality......Page 378 15.7 Iteration......Page 379 15.8 Consecutive sequences of harmonic elements: locality issues......Page 380 15.8.1 Apparent transparency......Page 381 15.8.2 Transparency of impossible targets......Page 382 15.8.3 Irrelevant, or marginally interacting, transparency......Page 384 15.8.4 Transparent segments are fully compatible with the harmonic feature......Page 386 15.8.5 Local harmony but non-local target–trigger relations......Page 387 Notes......Page 388 16.1 Introduction......Page 391 16.2 Parameters of dissimilation......Page 392 16.3 Diachronic seeds of dissimilation: hypercorrection......Page 396 16.4.1 Tier phonology, the OCP, and feature specification......Page 400 16.4.2 Cumulative markedness in Optimality Theory......Page 403 16.5 Probabilistic approaches to dissimilation......Page 404 16.5.1 Probability in the lexicon......Page 405 16.5.2 Probabilistic dissimilation in the lexicon......Page 406 16.6 Conclusion and issues for further research......Page 408 Note......Page 410 Part IV Internal interfaces......Page 411 17.1 Introduction......Page 413 17.2.1 Resolving the variability problem......Page 414 17.2.1.2 Auditorism......Page 415 17.2.2 Articulatory or auditory targets?......Page 417 17.3.1 Introduction......Page 418 17.3.2.2 Oral vowels: the facts to be explained......Page 419 17.3.2.3 Peripheral vs. central vowels......Page 421 17.3.2.4 The explanation......Page 423 17.3.2.5 Nasal vowels......Page 428 17.3.2.6 Vowel reduction......Page 430 17.3.2.7 The phonological consequences of vowel reduction vs. nasalization......Page 434 17.3.3.2 The phonetics of Athabaskan tonogenesis......Page 435 17.3.3.3 Licensing by cue......Page 438 17.3.3.4 Evolutionary phonology......Page 439 17.4.2 The phonetics of place and markedness......Page 440 17.4.3 Categories and gradients......Page 442 17.5 Summary and concluding remarks......Page 443 Notes......Page 444 18.2 The prosodic representation......Page 447 18.3 Edge-alignment of XPs......Page 449 18.4 Wrapping of XPs......Page 450 18.5 Stress and focus......Page 454 18.6 Stress and XPs......Page 455 18.7 The distinction between lexical and functional projections......Page 460 18.8 Eurythmic effects on phrasing......Page 463 18.9 Intonation phrases......Page 466 Notes......Page 467 19.1 Introduction......Page 469 19.2.2 Cases......Page 470 19.2.3 Alternative approaches......Page 471 19.3.1 Variable-direction affixes......Page 472 19.3.2 Phonologically driven infixation......Page 473 19.3.3 Infixation to a prosodic category......Page 474 19.4 Phonology beats both alignment and morpheme contiguity......Page 475 Notes......Page 483 20.1 Introduction......Page 485 20.2.1 Overview......Page 486 20.2.2 Correspondence Theory......Page 487 20.2.3 Normal and over-/under-application......Page 488 20.2.4 Emergence of the unmarked......Page 490 20.2.5 Fixed segmentism......Page 491 20.2.6 Alternatives and extensions to Correspondence Theory......Page 493 20.3.1 Overview......Page 495 20.3.2 Prosodic templates......Page 496 20.3.3 Generalized templates......Page 497 20.4.1 Overview......Page 499 20.4.2 Adjacency......Page 500 20.4.3 Root preference......Page 502 Notes......Page 504 Part V External interfaces......Page 507 21.1 Introduction......Page 509 21.2 The implementation problem: how gradual is phonological change?......Page 510 21.3.1 Modular feedforward models: phonological rules vs. phonetic rules......Page 513 21.3.2 The life cycle of sound patterns, stabilization, and secondary split......Page 515 Phase IV......Page 516 21.3.3 The mechanism of classical lexical diffusion......Page 520 21.4.1 Exemplar clouds......Page 524 21.4.2 The problem of phonetic residue......Page 525 21.4.3 Dealing with frequency effects......Page 526 Notes......Page 528 22.1 Preliminaries......Page 531 22.2 What should a phonological theory of variation explain?......Page 532 22.3.1 Multiple Grammars......Page 533 22.3.2 Partially Ordered Grammars......Page 538 22.3.3 Stochastic Optimality Theory......Page 543 22.4 External factors......Page 546 Notes......Page 547 23.1 Introduction......Page 549 23.2 Child phonology research: production......Page 551 23.2.1 Acquiring phonological contrasts......Page 552 23.2.2 Processes in child phonology......Page 553 23.2.3 The acquisition of prosodic structure: syllable structure and stress......Page 556 23.3 Phonological acquisition in Optimality Theory......Page 559 23.4 Child speech perception and word recognition......Page 562 23.5 Phonological representations in the mental lexicon......Page 563 Notes......Page 565 24.1 Learnability in phonology......Page 567 24.2 Learning with soft constraints: Constraint Demotion......Page 569 24.3 Selecting competitors and the role of parsing......Page 572 24.4 Robustness to data errors......Page 575 24.5 The subset problem and phonotactic learning......Page 577 24.6 Structural ambiguity......Page 581 24.7 Learning underlying forms......Page 584 24.8 Discussion......Page 585 Notes......Page 586 25.1.1 Topics and definitions of phonological terms......Page 587 25.1.2 Definitions of non-phonological terms......Page 589 25.2.1 Syllable markedness in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 590 25.2.2 Segmental markedness in children's atypical phonological systems......Page 592 25.2.4 Phonological representation in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 596 25.2.5 Phonology–morphology interactions in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 597 25.3.1 Structural (and segmental) markedness and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 598 25.3.2 Segmental markedness and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 600 25.3.3 Phonological representation and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 601 25.3.4 Phonology–morphology interactions and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 602 25.4 Discussion and conclusion......Page 605 Conference proceedings and working papers......Page 607 Academic institution abbreviations......Page 608 Index of subjects......Page 701 Index of languages and language families......Page 707 Phonology - the study of how the sounds of speech are represented in our minds - is one of the core areas of linguistic theory, and is central to the study of human language. This handbook brings together the world's leading experts in phonology to present the most comprehensive and detailed overview of the field. Focusing on research and the most influential theories, the authors discuss each of the central issues in phonological theory, explore a variety of empirical phenomena, and show how phonology interacts with other aspects of language such as syntax, morphology, phonetics, and language acquisition. Providing a one-stop guide to every aspect of this important field, The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology will serve as an invaluable source of readings for advanced undergraduate and graduate students, an informative overview for linguists and a useful starting point for anyone beginning phonological research.