The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology (Cambridge Handbooks in Language and Linguistics)

Phonology - the study of how the sounds of speech are represented in our minds - is one of the core areas of linguistic theory, and is central to the study of human language. This handbook, first published in 2007, brings together the world's leading experts in phonology to present the most comprehensive and detailed overview of the field. Focusing on research and the most influential theories, the authors discuss each of the central issues in phonological theory, explore a variety of empirical phenomena, and show how phonology interacts with other aspects of language such as syntax, morphology, phonetics, and language acquisition. Providing a one-stop guide to every aspect of this important field, The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology will serve as an invaluable source of readings for advanced undergraduate and graduate students, an informative overview for linguists and a useful starting point for anyone beginning phonological research. Cover......Page 1 Half-title......Page 3 Title......Page 5 Copyright......Page 6 Contents......Page 7 Contributors......Page 9 Acknowledgements......Page 11 1 Aims......Page 13 4 Structure and content......Page 14 1.1.1 Structure......Page 17 1.1.2 Summary of themes......Page 20 OT Architecture......Page 21 Tableaux......Page 23 Core principles......Page 24 1.2.1 Derivation and faithfulness......Page 25 Parallelism......Page 26 Global conditions......Page 27 Faithfulness......Page 29 Interactions of markedness and faithfulness......Page 30 1.2.3 The lexicon......Page 32 1.2.4 OT theories and other theories......Page 33 Markedness and representation......Page 34 Representation in current theory......Page 36 1.4 Functionalism......Page 37 1.4.1 The Formalist approach......Page 38 1.4.2 Challenges......Page 39 Notes......Page 41 Part I Conceptual issues......Page 43 2.1 The Theory is also an object of analysis......Page 45 2.1.1 Optimality Theory as it is......Page 46 2.1.2 Using the Evaluation Metric......Page 49 2.2 What is real and what is not......Page 52 2.3.1 Harmonic Ascent......Page 56 2.3.2 The Barrier Models......Page 60 2.4 Description and descriptivism......Page 64 2.5 Conclusion......Page 67 Notes......Page 69 3.1 Introduction......Page 73 3.2 The groundwork for phonetically-driven phonology......Page 74 3.3.1 Universal perceptibility hierarchies in phonetically-driven OT: the case of laryngeal neutralization......Page 75 3.3.2 Language specificity in phonetic conditioning factors: the case of syllable weight......Page 78 3.3.3.1 Simplicity in syllable weight......Page 79 3.3.3.1 Simplicity in obstruent voicing patterns......Page 80 3.3.4 Continuous phonetic variables and constraint formulation: the case of contour tones......Page 81 3.4.1 Speech processing and phonology......Page 84 3.4.2 Frequency in phonology......Page 85 3.5 The synchronic vs. diachronic role of phonetics in phonology......Page 86 Note......Page 89 4.2 Defining markedness......Page 91 4.4 Markedness and phonological features......Page 93 4.5.1 The emergence of the unmarked 1: neutralization......Page 94 4.5.2 The emergence of the unmarked 2: epenthesis......Page 95 4.5.4 The submergence of the unmarked 2: deletion and coalescence......Page 96 4.6 Complications......Page 97 4.6.1 Contrast: variation in the unmarked depending upon inventory......Page 98 4.6.2 The absence of contrast: variation in the emergence of the unmarked......Page 100 4.6.3 Variation in markedness in the presence of similar contrasts......Page 102 4.6.4 How much variation is possible?......Page 104 4.7 Other markedness diagnostics: implication and frequency......Page 105 Notes......Page 108 5.2 Levels of representation......Page 111 5.3 Derivations......Page 114 5.4 Opacity......Page 119 5.5 Cyclicity......Page 126 5.6 Conclusion......Page 129 6.1 Introduction......Page 131 6.2.1 Are phonological representations categorical?......Page 132 6.2.2 Do phonological representations explain anything?......Page 134 6.3.1 Articulatory vs. auditory-acoustic features......Page 136 6.3.2 Valency......Page 138 6.3.3 Hierarchical organisation......Page 140 6.3.4 Partial specification......Page 142 6.4.1 Syllable structure and the skeletal tier......Page 143 6.4.2 Head-dependency relations in prosodic structure......Page 146 6.5 Conclusion......Page 148 Note......Page 149 7.1 Introduction: basic notions and outline......Page 151 7.2 Contrast beyond segments......Page 152 7.3 Laws constraining phonemic sets......Page 153 7.4.1 Early generative grammar......Page 154 7.4.2 Lexical Phonology and Structure Preservation......Page 155 7.4.3 Contrast and allophony in OT......Page 159 7.4.4 Richness of the Base and Lexicon Optimization......Page 163 7.5 Constraints on contrast......Page 164 7.6 Interactions between dimensions of contrast......Page 167 Notes......Page 168 Part II Prosody......Page 171 8.1 Introduction......Page 173 8.2 The syllable as the domain of segment sequencing......Page 174 8.3.1 Typology......Page 175 8.3.2 Formal account......Page 177 8.3.3 Syllable-related phonological processes......Page 181 8.4.1 Representing the nucleus......Page 183 8.4.2 Representing weight......Page 185 8.4.3 Concluding remarks on subsyllabic constituency......Page 187 8.5 Sonority......Page 189 8.5.1.1 Sonority thresholds on the syllable peak......Page 191 8.5.1.2 Sonority thresholds on the mora......Page 195 8.5.2 Constraints on sonority distance......Page 199 8.5.2.2 Sonority distance within a complex onset......Page 200 8.5.2.3 Sonority distance in syllable contact......Page 201 8.6 Closing remarks......Page 203 Notes......Page 204 9.1.1 What are stress languages?......Page 207 9.1.2.2 Demarcative stress......Page 208 9.1.2.3 Rhythm......Page 209 9.2 The formal representation of stress......Page 210 9.2.2 Metrical constituency......Page 211 9.2.3 An inventory of metrical feet......Page 212 9.2.3.1 Syllabic trochees......Page 213 9.2.3.2 Moraic trochees......Page 215 9.2.3.3 Iambs......Page 216 9.2.3.4 Alternative foot inventories......Page 217 9.3.1 Binary quantity-insensitive systems......Page 218 9.3.2 Mixed binary + unary systems......Page 220 9.3.3 Bidirectional systems......Page 222 9.3.4 Ternary systems......Page 224 9.3.5 Quantity-sensitive systems......Page 226 9.3.6 Unbounded systems......Page 227 9.3.7 Revising classical alignment theory......Page 230 9.4 Feet in phonological domains and prosodic morphology......Page 233 9.4.1 Feet as phonological domains......Page 234 9.4.2 Minimal words......Page 235 9.4.3 Morphological templates......Page 236 Note......Page 239 10.1 Introduction......Page 241 10.1.1 A descriptive summary......Page 242 10.1.1.1 Tonal inventories......Page 243 10.1.1.2 Tonal alternations......Page 244 10.2.1 Distinctive features of tone......Page 245 10.2.2 The autosegmental behavior of tone......Page 247 10.2.3 The formal representation of tonal alternations......Page 249 10.3.1 Mende tone association......Page 250 10.3.2 Tone–stress interaction......Page 254 10.3.3 Local tone changes and the OCP in Bantu languages......Page 258 10.4.2 Phonetics of tone......Page 262 Notes......Page 263 11.1 Introduction......Page 265 11.2 Basic structures......Page 266 11.3 Representations and phonetic implementation......Page 269 11.3.1 Tone-Bearing Units......Page 270 11.3.2 Interpolation......Page 272 11.4 Aspects of phonetic implementation......Page 275 11.4.2 Peak delay......Page 276 11.4.3 Dipping......Page 277 11.4.4 Declination......Page 278 11.5 Phonological timing relations: association and OT alignment......Page 279 11.5.1 Locating unassociated tones......Page 280 11.6 Arguments used in tonal analyses......Page 284 11.6.1 Phonetic considerations......Page 285 11.6.2 Distributional considerations......Page 288 11.6.3 Semantic criteria......Page 289 Notes......Page 291 12.1 Introduction......Page 293 12.2.1 Sensitivity through stringent constraint form......Page 295 Sonority......Page 296 Avoidance of stressed high vowels......Page 297 Emergent edge attraction......Page 298 Expressing universality......Page 299 Hierarchy through fixed ranking......Page 300 Typology......Page 302 Sonority, or something else?......Page 303 Prominence grids......Page 304 Moras and featurelessness......Page 305 12.3 Non-heads and other levels......Page 307 Interaction with metrical structure......Page 308 12.4 Tone......Page 309 12.5 Other prosodic levels......Page 311 12.6.1 Neutralization......Page 313 12.6.2 Deletion......Page 314 12.6.3 Metathesis and coalescence......Page 316 12.7 Conclusions......Page 317 Notes......Page 318 Part III Segmental phenomena......Page 321 13.1 Introduction......Page 323 13.2 Phonological features......Page 324 13.3.1 [consonantal] and [sonorant]......Page 326 13.4 Laryngeal features......Page 328 13.5 Manner features......Page 330 13.5.2 [nasal]......Page 331 13.5.3 [lateral]......Page 332 13.6 Place features......Page 333 13.6.1 Features relating to the lips......Page 334 13.6.2.1 coronal......Page 335 13.6.2.2 [anterior]......Page 336 13.6.2.3 [distributed]......Page 337 13.6.3.1 dorsal and [back]......Page 339 13.6.3.2 Tongue height features......Page 340 13.6.4 Features relating to the tongue root......Page 341 13.7 Complex vs. contour segments......Page 342 13.8 Feature value charts......Page 344 Notes......Page 345 14.1 Introduction......Page 347 14.2 Interaction with segmental markedness......Page 350 14.2.1 Blocking of assimilation......Page 352 14.2.2 Assimilation, respecting dependency......Page 353 14.2.4 Summary......Page 354 14.3 Heterogeneity of process......Page 355 14.3.1 Deletion as a backup to assimilation......Page 356 14.3.2 Epenthesis as a backup to assimilation......Page 357 14.3.3 Discussion......Page 358 14.4.2 Features and segments......Page 360 14.4.3 Directionality......Page 361 14.4.4 Alternatives to Agree(x)......Page 362 Notes......Page 363 15.1 Introduction......Page 365 15.2.1 What is ‘(canonical) harmony’?......Page 366 15.3 Harmonic features......Page 367 15.4 Conditions on harmonic elements......Page 368 Features as delimiters......Page 369 Positions as delimiters......Page 371 Features as delimiters......Page 372 15.4.3 Conditions on targets and triggers......Page 373 15.5.1 Phonological domain restrictions......Page 374 Morphologically-delimited triggers......Page 375 Morphologically-delimited trigger and target......Page 376 15.5.3 Summary......Page 377 15.6 Directionality......Page 378 15.7 Iteration......Page 379 15.8 Consecutive sequences of harmonic elements: locality issues......Page 380 15.8.1 Apparent transparency......Page 381 15.8.2 Transparency of impossible targets......Page 382 15.8.3 Irrelevant, or marginally interacting, transparency......Page 384 15.8.4 Transparent segments are fully compatible with the harmonic feature......Page 386 15.8.5 Local harmony but non-local target–trigger relations......Page 387 Notes......Page 388 16.1 Introduction......Page 391 16.2 Parameters of dissimilation......Page 392 16.3 Diachronic seeds of dissimilation: hypercorrection......Page 396 16.4.1 Tier phonology, the OCP, and feature specification......Page 400 16.4.2 Cumulative markedness in Optimality Theory......Page 403 16.5 Probabilistic approaches to dissimilation......Page 404 16.5.1 Probability in the lexicon......Page 405 16.5.2 Probabilistic dissimilation in the lexicon......Page 406 16.6 Conclusion and issues for further research......Page 408 Note......Page 410 Part IV Internal interfaces......Page 411 17.1 Introduction......Page 413 17.2.1 Resolving the variability problem......Page 414 17.2.1.2 Auditorism......Page 415 17.2.2 Articulatory or auditory targets?......Page 417 17.3.1 Introduction......Page 418 17.3.2.2 Oral vowels: the facts to be explained......Page 419 17.3.2.3 Peripheral vs. central vowels......Page 421 17.3.2.4 The explanation......Page 423 17.3.2.5 Nasal vowels......Page 428 17.3.2.6 Vowel reduction......Page 430 17.3.2.7 The phonological consequences of vowel reduction vs. nasalization......Page 434 17.3.3.2 The phonetics of Athabaskan tonogenesis......Page 435 17.3.3.3 Licensing by cue......Page 438 17.3.3.4 Evolutionary phonology......Page 439 17.4.2 The phonetics of place and markedness......Page 440 17.4.3 Categories and gradients......Page 442 17.5 Summary and concluding remarks......Page 443 Notes......Page 444 18.2 The prosodic representation......Page 447 18.3 Edge-alignment of XPs......Page 449 18.4 Wrapping of XPs......Page 450 18.5 Stress and focus......Page 454 18.6 Stress and XPs......Page 455 18.7 The distinction between lexical and functional projections......Page 460 18.8 Eurythmic effects on phrasing......Page 463 18.9 Intonation phrases......Page 466 Notes......Page 467 19.1 Introduction......Page 469 19.2.2 Cases......Page 470 19.2.3 Alternative approaches......Page 471 19.3.1 Variable-direction affixes......Page 472 19.3.2 Phonologically driven infixation......Page 473 19.3.3 Infixation to a prosodic category......Page 474 19.4 Phonology beats both alignment and morpheme contiguity......Page 475 Notes......Page 483 20.1 Introduction......Page 485 20.2.1 Overview......Page 486 20.2.2 Correspondence Theory......Page 487 20.2.3 Normal and over-/under-application......Page 488 20.2.4 Emergence of the unmarked......Page 490 20.2.5 Fixed segmentism......Page 491 20.2.6 Alternatives and extensions to Correspondence Theory......Page 493 20.3.1 Overview......Page 495 20.3.2 Prosodic templates......Page 496 20.3.3 Generalized templates......Page 497 20.4.1 Overview......Page 499 20.4.2 Adjacency......Page 500 20.4.3 Root preference......Page 502 Notes......Page 504 Part V External interfaces......Page 507 21.1 Introduction......Page 509 21.2 The implementation problem: how gradual is phonological change?......Page 510 21.3.1 Modular feedforward models: phonological rules vs. phonetic rules......Page 513 21.3.2 The life cycle of sound patterns, stabilization, and secondary split......Page 515 Phase IV......Page 516 21.3.3 The mechanism of classical lexical diffusion......Page 520 21.4.1 Exemplar clouds......Page 524 21.4.2 The problem of phonetic residue......Page 525 21.4.3 Dealing with frequency effects......Page 526 Notes......Page 528 22.1 Preliminaries......Page 531 22.2 What should a phonological theory of variation explain?......Page 532 22.3.1 Multiple Grammars......Page 533 22.3.2 Partially Ordered Grammars......Page 538 22.3.3 Stochastic Optimality Theory......Page 543 22.4 External factors......Page 546 Notes......Page 547 23.1 Introduction......Page 549 23.2 Child phonology research: production......Page 551 23.2.1 Acquiring phonological contrasts......Page 552 23.2.2 Processes in child phonology......Page 553 23.2.3 The acquisition of prosodic structure: syllable structure and stress......Page 556 23.3 Phonological acquisition in Optimality Theory......Page 559 23.4 Child speech perception and word recognition......Page 562 23.5 Phonological representations in the mental lexicon......Page 563 Notes......Page 565 24.1 Learnability in phonology......Page 567 24.2 Learning with soft constraints: Constraint Demotion......Page 569 24.3 Selecting competitors and the role of parsing......Page 572 24.4 Robustness to data errors......Page 575 24.5 The subset problem and phonotactic learning......Page 577 24.6 Structural ambiguity......Page 581 24.7 Learning underlying forms......Page 584 24.8 Discussion......Page 585 Notes......Page 586 25.1.1 Topics and definitions of phonological terms......Page 587 25.1.2 Definitions of non-phonological terms......Page 589 25.2.1 Syllable markedness in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 590 25.2.2 Segmental markedness in children's atypical phonological systems......Page 592 25.2.4 Phonological representation in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 596 25.2.5 Phonology–morphology interactions in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 597 25.3.1 Structural (and segmental) markedness and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 598 25.3.2 Segmental markedness and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 600 25.3.3 Phonological representation and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 601 25.3.4 Phonology–morphology interactions and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 602 25.4 Discussion and conclusion......Page 605 Conference proceedings and working papers......Page 607 Academic institution abbreviations......Page 608 Index of subjects......Page 701 Index of languages and language families......Page 707