اجماع پکن: چگونه مدل اقتدارگرای چین قرن بیست و یکم را تسخیر خواهد کرد

A book that could well shift many of the terms of the ongoing debate about the China challenge, as it's often called, and what to do about it." -New York Times With a New Preface by the Author Organization (WTO) and the United Nations. But over time, it has become plain that China's actions are guided by a distilled pragmatism that serves the country's direct interests rather than an embrace of global norms or the ethics that have informed the post-World War II global architecture. This phenomenon is particularly pronounced in China's dealings with the resource-rich developing world. Here The Beijing Consensus examines China's calculus, which is rooted in what has been called China's growth trap. China must grow at a minimum of 8 percent to ensure stability and provide jobs and housing to migrant workers flooding into and out of the east coast cities (and to recent university graduates as well). Failure to achieve this growth rate carries the risk of chaos-a nightmare in a country of 1.5 billion. To grow, Beijing must find and secure steady, long-term sources of energy, copper, iron, zinc, cobalt, and timber. A latecomer to these markets and spurred by unprecedented demand, China must offer better terms than the established playerswhich it does in several ways. Beijing uses its $3 billion in hard-currency reserves to provide low-or no-interest, long-term loans or grants to resourcerich governments. It normally commits to road and rail construction to move the resources to a port; sometimes agrees to build schools and hospitals that otherwise might not be built; and makes large, private payments to chiefs of state, to be sure that all goes smoothly. Most importantly, Chinese decision-makers pledge noninterference in internal affairs. They are not concerned about Western ethics and norms, good-governance issues, the rule of law, transparency, environmental questions, or labor conditions. They are concerned about one thing: extracting the re-xvi Preface to the Paperback Edition Preface to the Paperback Edition xvii Preface to the Paperback Edition xix Preface to the Paperback Edition xxi xxii Preface to the Paperback Edition xxiv Preface to the Paperback Edition interest," not a transit area. Seven of twelve nations attending the July 2010 ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi cited the principle of "freedom of navigation" and the global commitment to "open sea lanes" and rejected Beijing's claims. The United States, Japan, Australia, India, and others have, accordingly, resolved to proceed with naval and commercial transits through the area. Second, China has claimed the mineral and energy rich Ryukyu Islands, which have been a part of Japan since 1879. The United States conquered the islands during World War II and returned them to Japan in May 1972. Third, China refuses to discuss ongoing disputes over the Paracel Islands, the Spratly Islands, and Mischief Rocks. These are claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam, and Taiwan; Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia also claim one or more of them. Fourth, Beijing has, without explanation, made public a plan to subdue these territories in which the Chinese air force, working in tandem with air combat units of the navy, would stage surprise bombing runs over military ports and ships based at targeted islands. The plan calls for eliminating the enemy's combat capability over the course of about an hour and followed by amphibious landings. 4 Fifth, as if rising tensions along China's east coast were not enough, tensions in the China's own west-namely, East Turkestan (Xinjiang) and Tibet-along with the very long border with Islamic Central Asia, are growing problems. They are not flash points today, but smolder zones. They receive little coverage, but Islamic militants are active in Central Asia and in confronting Han oppression in China itself. Afghan veterans-some al-Qaeda trained, others former Taliban jihadistsare gradually filtering into the Uighur community in Xinjiang. They are embittered, alienated, and militarily able to pose real Preface to the Paperback Edition xxv xxvi Preface to the Paperback Edition Preface to the Paperback Edition xxvii What Lies Ahead? Beijing's planners know that in this time of multidimensional change, China must frame the Asian story going forward. China will either be seen as Asia's engine of growth, delivering growth, investment, trade, and markets to smaller Asian nations, or it will be defined a hegemon-a large nation seizing oil, gas, and mineral deposits, a rogue requiring obeisance from others-asserting its interests wrapped in a muscular diplomacy. Cheng Li of the Brookings Institution makes the point that regardless of how it is perceived, "China now wants a seat at the head of the table. Its leaders expect to be among the key architects of global institutions." China has global influence, yet public opinion at home in China is increasingly combative-sometimes jingoistic. So with one eye on China's interests and the other on domestic critics who accuse the leaders of coddling the West, Beijing has begun to push harder to reshape the international system to make it more China-friendly. We see this push in Beijing's global media program and its determination to redesign the Web, where China wants to vastly increase its share of the trillions of new Internet addresses to be distributed 2011-2012. We can expect a major Chinese initiative in space-not just tests of antisatellite weapons, but also a full-up moon program leading to a landing in 2013. The objective? Potential energy sources like helium-3, technical and commercial spin-offs, minerals needed to sustain economic expansion, and, the opportunity to showcase China's advanced technical capacity. IN SUMMARY, although China has recently generated regional and global tensions with aggressive trade and currency policies and territorial claims, of greater concern is its ideational Preface to the Paperback Edition xxix I wish to thank Gen.

An expert in international relations explores the latest Chinese export: an appealing but illiberal new world order where the West is left behind

Publishers Weekly

Halper cogently rejects the “conventional wisdom” that suggests America’s relationship with China is “on track” in this lucid, probing text. Moving beyond approaches to China that focus on its burgeoning economic dominance, the book—in the vein of Martin Jacques’s recent When China Rules the World—underscores the political and cultural challenge that a rising China presents. Halper (coauthor of America Alone), a fellow at the University of Cambridge, contends that there is little possibility of a genuine partnership between China and the U.S.; continued growth will not lead China’s political system to become any more free or open, and its brand of authoritarian capitalism will compete with the West’s democratic ideal as a possible model for the developing world. Though his position may seem pessimistic, the author does believe that China’s concern with its prestige in the world gives the United States leverage in its attempt to shape the geopolitics, and he concludes this sobering, excellently argued book with a series of concrete policy recommendations to that end. (Apr.)

"Halper cogently rejects the conventional wisdom that suggests America's relationship with China is on track in this lucid, probing text. Moving beyond approaches to China that focus on its burgeoning economic dominance, the book-in the vein of Martin Jacques's recent When China Rules the World-underscores the political and cultural challenge that a rising China presents. Halper (coauthor of America Alone), a fellow at the University of Cambridge, contends that there is little possibility of a genuine partnership between China and the U.S.; continued growth will not lead China's political system to become any more free or open, and its brand of authoritarian capitalism will compete with the West's democratic ideal as a possible model for the developing world. Though his position may seem pessimistic, the author does believe that China's concern with its prestige in the world gives the United States leverage in its attempt to shape the geopolitics, and he concludes this sobering, excellently argued book with a series of concrete policy recommendations to that end."--[Publishers Weekly] Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington'but not for the reasons you think. China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community. Taking us on a whirlwind tour of China in the world'from dictators in Africa to oligarchs in Southeast Asia to South American strongmen'Halper demonstrates that China's illiberal vision is rapidly replacing that of the so-called Washington Consensus. Instead of promoting democracy through economic aid, as does the West, China offers no-strings-attached gifts and loans, a policy designed to build a new Beijing Consensus. The autonomy China offers, together with the appeal of its illiberal capitalism, have become the dual engines for the diffusion of power away from the West. The Beijing Consensus is the one book to read to understand this new Great Game in all its complexity

Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington—but not for the reasons you think. China’s challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community. In The Beijing Consensus, a leading expert in international relations presents a coherent integration of the many sides of U.S.-China relations.

Contents 10 Preface to the Paperback Edition 12 Acknowledgments 32 INTRODUCTION 36 CHAPTER 1 China and the Global Shift 44 CHAPTER 2 The Rise and Fall of the Washington Consensus 84 CHAPTER 3 The China Effect 110 CHAPTER 4 The Competitive Edge: "State-DIrected Capitalism" 138 CHAPTER 5 The Myth of Inevitability 170 CHAPTER 6 The Problem in Washington 208 CHAPTER 7 Conclusion 240 Notes 288 Index 316 Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington — but not for the reasons you think. China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community. In The Beijing Consensus , a leading expert in international relations presents a coherent integration of the many sides of U.S.-China relations. Halper argues that China's internal dynamics dictate the country's rapid expansion. With massive fissures in Chinese society between the haves and the have-nots, the Chinese Communist Party has to sustain double-digit economic growth to keep its citizens content