Romance Linguistics 2008: Interactions in Romance, Selected Papers from the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Urbana-Champaign, April 2008 (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory)

Annotation The sixteen papers here united have been selected from the 38th Linguistic Symposium of the Romance Languages held in Champaign-Urbana in 2008. The papers, whose authors include both well-known researchers and younger scholars, cover a broad and truly interdisciplinary range of topics in phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and their interfaces. Among the plethora of topics examined are stress in Quebec French, vowel deletion in Tuscan Italian, bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, case in Romanian, and hiatus in Argentine Spanish. The volume s novelty is to extend the traditional scope of linguistic inquiry to dynamic cognitive and societal connections between Romance and other languages, investigating, among others, how Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinguistic models of speech production, how bilinguals express subject pronouns in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish, and whether Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montreal acquire the constraints typical to natives in loanword adaptations. Editorial page 3 Title page 4 LCC data 5 Table of contents 6 Acknowledgments 8 Editors’ introduction 10 1. Language contact and bilingualism 10 2. Phonology and interfaces 11 3. Syntax and morphophonology 12 4. Semantics and morphology 14 5. Psycholinguistics 14 References 15 Part 1: Language contact and bilingualism 16 Subject pronoun expression in bilinguals of two null subject languages 18 1. Introduction 18 2. Theoretical background 21 2.1 Distribution of null and overt subjects 21 2.2 The syntax-discourse interface 22 3. Present study 24 3.1 Participants and methodology 24 3.2 Analysis 25 4. Results and Discussion 25 5. Conclusions 29 References 30 Where are hiatuses left? 32 1. Syllabification of vocalic sequences: Spanish and the Romance continuum 32 2. The realization of vocalic sequences: experimental analyses 34 3. Hypotheses 34 4. Methods 35 4.1 Corpus 35 4.2 Variables 36 4.3 Analysis 36 5. Results 38 5.1 Hypothesis 1: Increasing rate of diphthongization in CV 38 5.2 Hypothesis 2: Sensitivity to the origin of the sequence 41 5.3 Hypothesis 3: Delateralization as an attractor in diphthongization 43 6. Discussion 43 6.1 Where are hiatuses left? 43 6.2 Motivations for diphthongization 44 6.3 The Romance continuum revisited 45 7. Conclusions 45 References 45 Loanword adaptation in the French of Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montréal 48 1. Introduction 48 1.1 The subjects 49 1.2 The interview procedure 50 1.3 The variable and coding procedure 51 2. Results for /r/ 53 2.1 The Francophones’ /r/ 53 2.2 The Hispanophones’ /r/ 55 3. Conclusion 61 References 62 5. Appendix 63 Part 2: Phonology and interfaces 64 Morphology and phonology of word-final vowel deletion in spoken Tuscan Italian 66 1. Introduction 66 2. Data and methods 67 3. Results 69 4. Analysis 70 4.1 Morphological factors in elision 71 4.2 Phonological factors in elision 75 4.3 Two different elision phenomena 76 4.4 Stochastic OT and the gradual learning algorithm 77 5. Conclusion 79 References 80 Relativization, intonational phrases and rich left peripheries in Romanian 82 1. Introduction 82 2. The data and a proposal 83 2.1 The basic paradigm 83 3. The role of intonational phrasing 85 3.1 Evidence from Romanian 85 3.2 Evidence from Serbo-Croatian 87 4. The distribution of the relativizer restrictions 90 4.1 Relativizer restrictions in languages without articles 92 4.2 Relativizer restrictions in languages with articles/D 94 5. Summary and conclusions 96 References 96 Stress domain effects in French phonology and phonological development 98 1. Introduction 98 2. The data 99 2.1 Closed-syllable laxing in Québec French 99 2.2 CVC versus CVCV forms in the acquisition of European French 100 2.3 Interim discussion 102 3. Theoretical issues 102 3.1 Word-final consonants as onset of empty-headed syllables 103 3.2 Representational implications 105 3.3 Proposal 106 4. Analysis 107 4.1 Québec French 107 4.2 Marilyn 109 5. Discussion 110 References 111 Part 3: Syntax and morphophonology 114 Syntactic realizations of plural in Romance and Germanic nominalizations 116 1. Introduction 116 2. Number vs. Aspect in Romanian ASNs 118 2.1 Nominalization patterns 118 2.2 Plural marking and determiner selection 119 2.3 Nominal properties 119 2.4 Aspectual properties 121 2.5 Aspect shift 122 2.6 The functional structure of Romanian ASNs 123 3. Germanic ASNs 124 3.1 Pluralization of ASNs in German 124 3.2 English verbal vs. nominal gerund 124 3.3 Functional structure for English gerunds 125 4. Inner aspect in English nominal gerunds 126 4.1 The relation between number and aspect 127 4.2 Do we need an inner aspect projection? 127 5. The Spanish nominal infinitive 128 5.1 Verbal vs. nominal infinitive 128 5.2 Nominal properties in SNIs 129 5.3 The [±count] feature on ClassifierP 130 6. Conclusions 131 References 131 The syntax of Spanish parecer and the status of little pro 134 1. Introduction 134 2. Background 137 3. The placement of the null subject 139 3.1 Condition C 139 3.2 WCO 140 3.3 Anaphor binding 142 3.4 Null subjects in non-raising contexts 143 4. Alternative analyses without pro 144 5. Conclusion 146 References 146 Two types of (apparently) ditransitive light verb constructions 148 1. Introduction 148 2. Morphosyntactic properties 150 2.1 Clitic doubling 150 2.2 Word order 150 2.3 Indefinite quantifiers 151 2.4 Binding 151 2.5 Scope 151 2.6 Superiority 152 2.7 Raising with parecer ‘seem’ 153 2.8 Accusative clitic 153 3. Analysis 154 3.1 The ditransitive structure of DitDar 154 3.2 The unaccusative structure of PsychDar 155 3.3 Predictions of the parallelism 158 4. Other light verb constructions 160 4.1 Psychological predicates 160 4.2 Non-psychological predicates 161 5. Conclusions 163 References 164 Modal ellipsis in French, Spanish and Italian 166 1. Introduction 166 2. Arguments for a modal ellipsis in French 168 3. Modal ellipsis beyond French 169 3.1 ACD and the ‘same subject constraint’ 170 3.2 Other A’-movements 170 4. Modal ellipsis is a TP-Ellipsis 171 4.1 Remnants 172 4.2 Voice mismatches 173 5. Accounting for the ‘Same Subject Constraint’ 175 6. Conclusion 177 References 178 Optional prepositions in Brazilian Portuguese 180 1. Introduction 180 2. “Prepositions that delete” in French 181 3. Prepositions that “delete” in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) 182 3. Proposals 185 3.1 The prepositions that can be optional 185 3.2 Positions where prepositions can be optional 187 4. Contrastive topicalization cannot have optional prepositions 191 5. Conclusions 192 References 192 An apparent ‘Number Case Constraint’ in Romanian 194 1. Introduction 194 2. Combinatorial restrictions of Romanian singular clitics 195 3. An apparent number case constraint in Romanian 196 4. Quantitative acceptability judgments 197 5. A tangent: Leísta Spanish 199 5.1 Romanian clitic case syncretism 200 6. The syntax of ditransitives, specifically ApplP 201 7. Deriving the “Number Case Constraint” of Romanian 203 7.1 Returning to Leísta Spanish 204 8. General conclusions 206 References 207 Part 4: Semantics and morphology 210 Generic bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese 212 1. Introduction 212 2. Existential BSs are number-neutral 213 3. Generic BSs in Brazilian Portuguese denote intensional maximal sums 214 3.1 The data 214 3.2 Number neutrality and kind reference 215 4. Generic BSs are not indefinites bound by a generic operator 216 4.1 Testing the indefiniteness of generic BSs 217 4.2 Arguments against the indefiniteness of generic BSs in BrP 220 4.3 Kind-reference combined with generic quantification 221 5. On the contrast between generic BSs and generic DSs 222 6. Conclusion 223 References 224 Aspect shift in stative verbs and their arguments 226 1. Introduction 226 2. Polysemy and variable aktionsart 227 3. Grammatical aspect and aspectual filtering 229 4. Other cases of ‘aspect shift’ in Spanish 233 4.1 Consistir 233 4.2 Saber 234 5. Conclusion 237 References 238 Part 5: Psycholinguistics 240 Experimenting with wh-movement in Spanish 242 1. Introduction: Experimental syntax 242 2. Subject inversion in wh-questions 243 3. Properties of subjects in Spanish 246 4. Accounting for variation 247 5. Conclusion 254 References 255 How Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinguistic models of speech production 258 1. Introduction 258 2. A specific model to test 259 3. A language-specific data source 261 4. The experiment 262 Participants 262 The stimuli 262 The task 263 5. Results 264 6. Implications for psycholinguistic models of speech production 270 References 272 Index 274 The series CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY 276 Editorial page......Page 3 Title page......Page 4 LCC data......Page 5 Table of contents......Page 6 Acknowledgments......Page 8 1. Language contact and bilingualism......Page 10 2. Phonology and interfaces......Page 11 3. Syntax and morphophonology......Page 12 5. Psycholinguistics......Page 14 References......Page 15 Part 1: Language contact and bilingualism......Page 16 1. Introduction......Page 18 2.1 Distribution of null and overt subjects......Page 21 2.2 The syntax-discourse interface......Page 22 3.1 Participants and methodology......Page 24 4. Results and Discussion......Page 25 5. Conclusions......Page 29 References......Page 30 1. Syllabification of vocalic sequences: Spanish and the Romance continuum......Page 32 3. Hypotheses......Page 34 4.1 Corpus......Page 35 4.3 Analysis......Page 36 5.1 Hypothesis 1: Increasing rate of diphthongization in CV......Page 38 5.2 Hypothesis 2: Sensitivity to the origin of the sequence......Page 41 6.1 Where are hiatuses left?......Page 43 6.2 Motivations for diphthongization......Page 44 References......Page 45 1. Introduction......Page 48 1.1 The subjects......Page 49 1.2 The interview procedure......Page 50 1.3 The variable and coding procedure......Page 51 2.1 The Francophones’ /r/......Page 53 2.2 The Hispanophones’ /r/......Page 55 3. Conclusion......Page 61 References......Page 62 5. Appendix......Page 63 Part 2: Phonology and interfaces......Page 64 1. Introduction......Page 66 2. Data and methods......Page 67 3. Results......Page 69 4. Analysis......Page 70 4.1 Morphological factors in elision......Page 71 4.2 Phonological factors in elision......Page 75 4.3 Two different elision phenomena......Page 76 4.4 Stochastic OT and the gradual learning algorithm......Page 77 5. Conclusion......Page 79 References......Page 80 1. Introduction......Page 82 2.1 The basic paradigm......Page 83 3.1 Evidence from Romanian......Page 85 3.2 Evidence from Serbo-Croatian......Page 87 4. The distribution of the relativizer restrictions......Page 90 4.1 Relativizer restrictions in languages without articles......Page 92 4.2 Relativizer restrictions in languages with articles/D......Page 94 References......Page 96 1. Introduction......Page 98 2.1 Closed-syllable laxing in Québec French......Page 99 2.2 CVC versus CVCV forms in the acquisition of European French......Page 100 3. Theoretical issues......Page 102 3.1 Word-final consonants as onset of empty-headed syllables......Page 103 3.2 Representational implications......Page 105 3.3 Proposal......Page 106 4.1 Québec French......Page 107 4.2 Marilyn......Page 109 5. Discussion......Page 110 References......Page 111 Part 3: Syntax and morphophonology......Page 114 1. Introduction......Page 116 2.1 Nominalization patterns......Page 118 2.3 Nominal properties......Page 119 2.4 Aspectual properties......Page 121 2.5 Aspect shift......Page 122 2.6 The functional structure of Romanian ASNs......Page 123 3.2 English verbal vs. nominal gerund......Page 124 3.3 Functional structure for English gerunds......Page 125 4. Inner aspect in English nominal gerunds......Page 126 4.2 Do we need an inner aspect projection?......Page 127 5.1 Verbal vs. nominal infinitive......Page 128 5.2 Nominal properties in SNIs......Page 129 5.3 The [±count] feature on ClassifierP......Page 130 References......Page 131 1. Introduction......Page 134 2. Background......Page 137 3.1 Condition C......Page 139 3.2 WCO......Page 140 3.3 Anaphor binding......Page 142 3.4 Null subjects in non-raising contexts......Page 143 4. Alternative analyses without pro......Page 144 References......Page 146 1. Introduction......Page 148 2.2 Word order......Page 150 2.5 Scope......Page 151 2.6 Superiority......Page 152 2.8 Accusative clitic......Page 153 3.1 The ditransitive structure of DitDar......Page 154 3.2 The unaccusative structure of PsychDar......Page 155 3.3 Predictions of the parallelism......Page 158 4.1 Psychological predicates......Page 160 4.2 Non-psychological predicates......Page 161 5. Conclusions......Page 163 References......Page 164 1. Introduction......Page 166 2. Arguments for a modal ellipsis in French......Page 168 3. Modal ellipsis beyond French......Page 169 3.2 Other A’-movements......Page 170 4. Modal ellipsis is a TP-Ellipsis......Page 171 4.1 Remnants......Page 172 4.2 Voice mismatches......Page 173 5. Accounting for the ‘Same Subject Constraint’......Page 175 6. Conclusion......Page 177 References......Page 178 1. Introduction......Page 180 2. “Prepositions that delete” in French......Page 181 3. Prepositions that “delete” in Brazilian Portuguese (BP)......Page 182 3.1 The prepositions that can be optional......Page 185 3.2 Positions where prepositions can be optional......Page 187 4. Contrastive topicalization cannot have optional prepositions......Page 191 References......Page 192 1. Introduction......Page 194 2. Combinatorial restrictions of Romanian singular clitics......Page 195 3. An apparent number case constraint in Romanian......Page 196 4. Quantitative acceptability judgments......Page 197 5. A tangent: Leísta Spanish......Page 199 5.1 Romanian clitic case syncretism......Page 200 6. The syntax of ditransitives, specifically ApplP......Page 201 7. Deriving the “Number Case Constraint” of Romanian......Page 203 7.1 Returning to Leísta Spanish......Page 204 8. General conclusions......Page 206 References......Page 207 Part 4: Semantics and morphology......Page 210 1. Introduction......Page 212 2. Existential BSs are number-neutral......Page 213 3.1 The data......Page 214 3.2 Number neutrality and kind reference......Page 215 4. Generic BSs are not indefinites bound by a generic operator......Page 216 4.1 Testing the indefiniteness of generic BSs......Page 217 4.2 Arguments against the indefiniteness of generic BSs in BrP......Page 220 4.3 Kind-reference combined with generic quantification......Page 221 5. On the contrast between generic BSs and generic DSs......Page 222 6. Conclusion......Page 223 References......Page 224 1. Introduction......Page 226 2. Polysemy and variable aktionsart......Page 227 3. Grammatical aspect and aspectual filtering......Page 229 4.1 Consistir......Page 233 4.2 Saber......Page 234 5. Conclusion......Page 237 References......Page 238 Part 5: Psycholinguistics......Page 240 1. Introduction: Experimental syntax......Page 242 2. Subject inversion in wh-questions......Page 243 3. Properties of subjects in Spanish......Page 246 4. Accounting for variation......Page 247 5. Conclusion......Page 254 References......Page 255 1. Introduction......Page 258 2. A specific model to test......Page 259 3. A language-specific data source......Page 261 The stimuli......Page 262 The task......Page 263 5. Results......Page 264 6. Implications for psycholinguistic models of speech production......Page 270 References......Page 272 Index......Page 274 The series CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY......Page 276 Printbegrænsninger: Der Kan Printes 10 Sider Ad Gangen Og Max. 40 Sider Pr. Session