REFORM CAPACITY

It is often said that effective government requires a concentration of power. If we want our political leaders to adjust public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances, we should, in this view, leave our leaders alone: we should put in place electoral procedures that identify a clear winner in each election, and then we should let the winning political party govern without having to cooperate with others. The argument of this book is that this view is mistaken, since it seriously underestimates the ability of political decision makers to overcome democratic paralysis by compensating losers (groups that stand to lose from a reform). Reform capacity - the ability of political decision makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole - can therefore be achieved in both power-concentration systems (which enable governments to ignore losers) and power-sharing systems (where governments build support for reform by compensating losers). If political decision makers are able to solve the bargaining problems that sometimes complicate negotiations between winners and losers, power-sharing systems have certain advantages over power-concentration systems. The book argues that power sharing can lead to high reform capacity in societies where interest groups are powerful enough to block reforms; the book also argues that power sharing can lead to high reform capacity when reforms have short-term costs and long-term benefits, since power sharing helps to correct some of the short-sightedness that is inherent in democratic policymaking. It Is Often Said That Effective Government Requires A Concentration Of Power. If We Want Our Political Leaders To Adjust Public Policies To Changing Economic, Social, And Political Circumstances, We Should, In This View, Leave Our Leaders Alone: We Should Put In Place Electoral Procedures That Identify A Clear Winner In Each Election, And Then We Should Let The Winning Political Party Govern Without Having To Cooperate With Others. The Argument Of This Book Is That This View Is Mistaken, Since It Seriously Underestimates The Ability Of Political Decision Makers To Overcome Democratic Paralysis By Compensating Losers (groups That Stand To Lose From A Reform). Reform Capacity - The Ability Of Political Decision Makers To Adopt And Implement Policy Changes That Benefit Society As A Whole - Can Therefore Be Achieved In Both Power-concentration Systems (which Enable Governments To Ignore Losers) And Power-sharing Systems (where Governments Build Support For Reform By Compensating Losers). If Political Decision Makers Are Able To Solve The Bargaining Problems That Sometimes Complicate Negotiations Between Winners And Losers, Power-sharing Systems Have Certain Advantages Over Power-concentration Systems. Two Theories Of Effective Government -- Compensating The Losers -- How Reforms Fail -- Formal And Informal Power -- Future-oriented Reforms -- Reform Capacity. Johannes Lindvall. Includes Bibliographical References And Index. Reform capacity—the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole—can be achieved in two different ways. One method is to build institutions that concentrate power, enabling governments to ignore losers from reform. The other method, which governments rely more on in systems where power is shared, is to build institutions that enable governments to compensate losers from reform. The book discusses numerous empirical examples of how governments have built support for reforms by compensating losers. These examples are drawn from several different policy areas, including trade and labor market policy, fiscal policy, social policy, and tax and economic policy. If political decision-makers in power-sharing democracies are able to solve the bargaining problems that can sometimes complicate negotiations between winners and losers, power-sharing systems have certain advantages over power-concentration systems. Power sharing can lead to high reform capacity in societies where interest groups are powerful enough to block reforms. Power sharing can also lead to high reform capacity when reforms have short-term costs and long-term benefits, since it helps to correct some of the short-sightedness inherent in democratic policymaking. This volume examines reform capacity and the ability of political decision-makers to resolve conflicts that might otherwise prevent governments from adopting desirable policies.