Qatar: The Practice of Rented Power (Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics)

"This book explains the parameters of Qatar's political growth by developing an alternative theory of power - 'rented' power. The author demonstrates how Qatar's emergence as a regional power can be solely explained by its capacity as a gas-rich rentier state. By using Qatar as an empirical case study of the 'rented' power theory, readers will gain insight into Qatar's engagement with non-state actors (political Islam, tribes, media, sports, and others) to wield its power, allowing Qatar to 'rent' the well-established influence of non-state actors due to their transnational nature. The Qatari case demonstrates a state's ability to establish a patron-client relationship with non-state actors, overcoming limitations set by size or military strength to gain international influence. This book is accessible to a wide readership: it will be of interest of scholars, postgraduates, journalists, and policy experts, and a general audience whose interests include the politics of the Middle East and the GCC states particularly"-- Provided by publisher This book explains the parameters of Qatar’s political growth by developing an alternative theory of power – ‘rented’ power.The author demonstrates how Qatar’s emergence as a regional power can be solely explained by its capacity as a gas-rich rentier state. By using Qatar as an empirical case study of the ‘rented’ power theory, readers will gain insight into Qatar’s engagement with non-state actors (political Islam, tribes, media, sports and others) to wield its power, allowing Qatar to ‘rent’ the well-established influence of non-state actors due to their transnational nature. The Qatari case demonstrates a state’s ability to establish a patron-client relationship with non-state actors, overcoming limitations set by size or military strength to gain international influence.This book is accessible to a wide readership: it will be of interest of scholars, postgraduates, journalists and policy experts, and a general audience whose interests include the politics of the Middle East and the GCC states particularly. Cover 1 Endorsement 2 Half Title 4 Series Information 5 Title Page 6 Copyright Page 7 Dedication 8 Table of Contents 10 Preface 14 Acknowledgements 16 Note On Transliteration 18 Part I Rented Power: Main Features 20 1 Introduction to the Concept of Rented Power 22 1.1 Introduction 22 1.2 Overview of the Argument 28 1.3 Why Study Qatar? 28 1.4 Contribution of the Argument to Existing Literature 32 1.4.1 Rented Power and Other Types of Power 32 1.4.2 Studies On Qatar and Non-State Actors 33 1.5 The Structure of the Book 36 Note 37 2 Rented Power: Theoretical Foundations 38 2.1 Introduction 38 2.2 Typologies of Power in IR Theory 39 2.2.1 Hard/soft Power and Smart Power 39 2.2.2 Sticky and Sharp Power 39 2.2.3 Sharp Power 40 2.2.4 Civilian Power Europe, Military Power Europe, Normative Power Europe 40 2.2.5 Subtle Power 41 2.3 Great, Middle Or Small: Who Can Wield Power? 42 2.4 Qatar and IR Theory 44 2.4.1 Qatar: Small Or Big? 44 2.4.2 Wealthy But With Limited State Capacity: How to Wield Power? 45 2.4.3 Alliances With Non-State Actors 50 2.5 Rented Power: Theoretical Foundations 52 2.5.1 Sectional and Non-Sectional Social Power Concepts 52 2.5.2 The Community Power Debate 53 2.5.3 The Three-Dimensional Framework 54 2.6 Conclusion 55 Note 57 Part II Wielding Rented Power 58 3 Rented Power in Use: Political Islam 60 3.1 Introduction 60 3.2 The Scope of Qatar’s Rented Power 60 3.2.1 Individual Links 60 3.2.1.1 The Muslim Brotherhood 60 3.2.1.2 Al-Nahda in Tunisia 64 3.2.1.3 Libyan Islamic Fighting Group 65 3.2.1.4 Chechen Separatists 68 3.2.2 Mediations 70 3.2.2.1 The Lebanese Hizbullah 70 3.2.2.2 The Houthi Movement 72 3.2.2.3 Hamas 74 3.2.2.4 Taliban 76 3.3 Qatar’s Rented Power Domain 76 3.4 The Weight of Qatar’s Rented Power 77 3.4.1 Renting the Popularity of Islamists 77 3.4.2 Renting Regional Leadership 78 3.4.3 Renting Influence in the Muslim World 79 3.5 The Cost of Qatar’s Rented Power 81 3.5.1 Criticism of Qatar During the Arab Spring 81 3.5.2 The Gulf Crisis of 2014 82 3.5.3 The Gulf Crisis of 2017 83 3.5.4 Qatar, a Terrorist Safe Haven, Or Ka‘ba Al-Madiyoum? 85 3.5.5 Paying the Cost of Transnationalism 86 3.6 Conclusion 87 4 Rented Power in Use: Tribalism 88 4.1 Introduction 88 4.2 The Scope of Qatar’s Rented Power 88 4.2.1 Offering Financial and Social Benefits 88 4.2.2 Linking Al-Thani Ancestry With Important Figures in Arab History 89 4.2.2.1 Ancestry Claims With the Legendary Warrior 90 4.2.2.2 Claims That Mohammad Bin ‘Abdul Wahhab Was the Great-Grandfather of Shaykh Hamad 91 4.3 Qatar’s Rented Power Domain 93 4.3.1 GCC: Saudi Arabia 93 4.3.2 GCC: Bahrain 94 4.3.3 The Middle East 95 4.4 The Cost of Qatar’s Rented Power 96 4.4.1 The Gulf Crises of 2014 and 2017 96 4.4.2 Risk of Challenges From Tribes Against the Qatari Regime 97 4.5 Qatar’s Rented Power Weight 101 4.5.1 Renting Loyalties of Domestic Tribes 101 4.5.2 Rented Loyalties of Tribes Beyond Qatar 104 4.6 Conclusion 105 5 Rented Power in Use: Media 107 5.1 Introduction 107 5.2 The Scope of Qatar’s Rented Power: Direct Funding 107 5.3 Qatar’s Rented Power Domain: Via Al-Jazeera 115 5.4 Qatar’s Rented Power Weight: Via Al-Jazeera 116 5.4.1 Renting Narratives for Competing With Political Opponents 116 5.4.2 Renting Popularity of Islamist Narratives 117 5.4.3 Renting a Recognisable, Worldwide-Known Voice 119 5.5 The Cost of Qatar’s Rented Power: Via Al-Jazeera 119 5.5.1 Backing Al-Jazeera: The Sponsor of the ‘Mouthpiece of Al-Qai’da’ 119 5.5.2 Backing Al-Jazeera: Strained Relations With the Middle Eastern States 121 5.6 Scope: Indirect Backing of Media Non-State Actors 123 5.6.1 Arabi Post (Formerly Known as HuffPost Arabi) 124 5.6.2 The New Arab (al-Araby Al-Jadeed) 125 5.6.3 Middle East Eye 126 5.7 Qatar’s Domain: Indirect Backing of Media Non-State Actors 127 5.8 Qatar’s Rented Power Weight: Indirect Backing of Media Non-State Actors 128 5.9 The Cost of Qatar’s Rented Power: Indirect Backing of Media Non-State Actors 130 5.10 Conclusion 131 6 Rented Power in Use: Sports 132 6.1 Introduction 132 6.2 Qatar’s Rented Power Scope 132 6.2.1 Hosting Sport Mega-Events 132 6.2.1.1 The World Cup 2022 133 6.2.2 Famous Clubs: Acquisitions and Shirt Sponsorships 134 6.2.2.1 Purchase of Paris Saint-Germain F.C. (PSG) 134 6.2.3 Shirt Sponsorships With Famous Clubs 135 6.2.3.1 FC Barcelona 136 6.2.3.2 FC Bayern Munich 136 6.2.3.3 AS Roma 137 6.3 Qatar’s Rented Power Domain 137 6.4 Qatar’s Rented Power Weight 138 6.4.1 An Important Rented Role in the World of Sports Politics 138 6.4.2 Rented Influence in the Internal Affairs of a ‘Heavyweight’: France as a Case Study 139 6.5 The Cost of Qatar’s Rented Power 141 6.5.1 Price for Backing FIFA 141 6.5.2 Cost for Backing Paris Saint-Germain F.C. (PSG) 143 6.5.3 Cost for Backing FC Barcelona 145 6.6 Conclusion 145 Part III The Future of Rented Power 148 7 Concluding Notes On Rented Power 150 7.1 Introduction 150 7.2 Theoretical Foundations of Rented Power 150 7.3 Wielding of Rented Power By Qatar: Lessons From Its Past and a Discussion On Its Future 152 7.3.1 Qatar’s Rented Power: Lessons to Learn 152 7.3.2 Future of Qatar’s Rented Power 155 7.4 Wielding Rented Power: Beyond Qatar 162 7.4.1 Rented Power of Bahrain 163 7.4.2 Rented Power of Iran 164 7.4.3 Rented Power of Saudi Arabia 168 7.4.4 Rented Power of Russia 171 7.5 Validity of the Concept of Rented Power 172 Bibliography 175 Index 227 This book explains the parameters of Qatarâ••s political growth by developing an alternative theory of power â•• â••rentedâ•• power.The author demonstrates how Qatarâ••s emergence as a regional power can be solely explained by its capacity as a gas-rich rentier state. By using Qatar as an empirical case study of the â••rentedâ•• power theory, readers will gain insight into Qatarâ••s engagement with non-state actors (political Islam, tribes, media, sports and others) to wield its power, allowing Qatar to â••rentâ•• the well-established influence of non-state actors due to their transnational nature. The Qatari case demonstrates a stateâ••s ability to establish a patron-client relationship with non-state actors, overcoming limitations set by size or military strength to gain international influence.This book is accessible to a wide readership: it will be of interest of scholars, postgraduates, journalists and policy experts, and a general audience whose interests include the politics of the Middle East and the GCC states particularly.