Perspectives On Arabic Linguistics: Papers From The Annual Symposium On Arabic Linguistics. Volume X: Salt Lake City, 1996 (current Issues In Linguistic Theory)

The papers in this volume are a selection of papers presented at the 10th Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics (Salt Lake City, 1-3 March 1996). The contributions are: Remarks on Focus in Standard Arabic: Jamal Ouhalla ; Definiteness Realization and Function in Palestinian Arabic: Dina Belyayeva ; Case Properties of Nominalization Dps in Classical Arabic: Arthur Stepanov ; Underspecification of Lexical Entries for Arabic Verbs: Mark S. LeTourneau ; Plural Formation in Arabic: Ali Idrissi ; Prosodic Templates in a Word-Based Morphological Analysis of Arabic: Robert R. Ratcliffe ; The Suppletive Imperative of Arabic ‘Come’: David Testen ; On an Optimality-Theoretic Account of Epenthesis and Syncope in Arabic Dialects: Bushra Adnan Zawaydeh ; Acoustics of Pharyngealization vs. Uvularization Harmony: Kimary N. Shahin ; Phonological Variation in Syrian Arabic: Correlation with Gender, Age, and Education: Jamil Daher ; Arabic speakers and Parasitic Gaps: Naomi Bolotin ; Stress Prosody and Speech Segmentation: Evidence from Moroccan Arabic: Younes Mourchid . CILT 153 PERSPECTIVES ON ARABIC LINGUISTICS X PAPERS FROM THE TENTH ANNUAL SYMPOSIUM ON ARABIC LINGUISTICS 2 Editorial page 3 Title page 4 Copyright page 5 Table of contents 6 FOREWORD 8 INTRODUCTION 10 REFERENCES 15 I. DISCOURSE AND SYNTACTIC PERSPECTIVES 16 REMARKS ON FOCUS IN STANDARD ARABIC 18 1. Introduction 18 2. Foci versus Topics 20 3. The Grammatical Basis of Focus 23 4. Sentence-focus and Focus Markers 29 5. Interrogative Focus 35 6. Negative Focus 40 7. A Note on Verb Focus 48 8. Conclusion 52 REFERENCES 53 DEFINITENESS REALIZATION AND FUNCTION IN PALESTINIAN ARABIC 56 1. Introduction 56 1.1 Overview 57 1.2 Theoretical assumptions 61 2. Methodology 61 3. Definiteness Realization 61 4. Definiteness Function 62 4.1 Word order and definiteness 62 4.2 Clause Combining: Grounding and transitivity 69 4.3 The Givenness Hierarchy 72 5. Conclusion 74 REFERENCES 75 CASE PROPERTIES OF NOMINALIZATION DPS IN CLASSICAL ARABIC 78 1. Introduction 78 2. Construct State and the Verbal Argument Structure 80 2.1 Construct State 80 2.2 Fassi Fehri (1993) 82 3. Merger, Case-Checking Options and Parallel Derivation 84 3.1 Merger of the verbal and noun features 84 3.2 Agreement and Case-checking 86 3.2.1 Agr=Agr0 87 3.2.2 Agr=Agrs 90 3.2.3. Agr=Agr0 + Agrs 93 3.2.4 Hookup and occurrence frequency: A correlation? 95 3.2.5 Summary 96 4. Conclusion 97 REFERENCES 99 II. MORPHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES 100 UNDERSPECIFICATION OF LEXICAL ENTRIES FOR ARABIC VERBS 102 0. Introduction 102 1. Theoretical Assumptions 103 1.1 Predicate-argument structure of verbs 103 1.1.1 Predicate-argument structure formation 103 1.1.2 PAS vs. prominence hierarchies 104 1.1.3 Does PAS have independent motivation? 106 1.2 Syntactic assumptions 109 2. Consequences of Minimalism for Lexical Structure 112 2.1 The inadmissability of stems as lexical entries 112 2.2 Lexemes as lexical entries for verbs 114 3. Grammatical Consequences of Lexical Underspecification 118 3.1 Features and morphological operations 118 3.1.1 Theorem 1: Derivation precedes inflection 120 3.1.2 Theorem 2: Derivation is postsyntactic 120 3.2 Morphosyntactic representation in Arabic 126 4. Conclusion 128 REFERENCES 129 PLURAL FORMATION IN ARABIC 132 1. Introduction 132 2. Previous Analyses 133 3. A New CV Theory 135 4. Plural Formation 138 4.1 Regular plurals 139 4.2. Irregular plurals 144 4.3. Sound plurals 148 5. Some Consequences of the Analysis 148 6. Conclusion 153 REFERENCES 154 PROSODIC TEMPLATES IN A WORD-BASED MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF ARABIC 156 1. Problems with The Root and Template Analysis 156 1.1 Prosodic circumscription, mapping, moraic affixation 157 2. Root-Based vs. Word-Based Lexicon 158 3. Moraic Affixation vs. Mapping 162 3.1 Where either analysis works: The 'core' internal morphology 163 3.2 Where template mapping is invoked: The minority stems 164 3.2.1 Spreading rules 169 3.3 The non-core morphology: Moraic affixation without iambicity 172 3.4 Affixation and template mapping in competition: 'Broken' plurals 173 4. Conclusion 177 REFERENCES 178 THE SUPPLETIVE IMPERATIVE OF ARABIC "COME" 182 1. Introduction 182 2. Semitic Comparanda 183 2.1 Arabic ti 183 2.2 Ethiopie na 184 2.3 Related Northwest Semitic elements 184 3. Reconstruction of the Northwest Semitic Elements 185 4. Development of South Semitic "come" 188 5. Development of Arabic taSaalay- 192 6. Conclusion 195 REFERENCES 196 III. PHONETIC AND PHONOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES 198 ON AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ACCOUNT OF EPENTHESIS AND SYNCOPE IN ARABIC DIALECTS 200 0. Introduction 200 1. Syllable Alignment 201 2. Illustration of the Prediction 209 2.1 Muscat Arabic 209 2.1.1 Epenthesis in Muscat Arabic 210 2.1.2 Syncope in Muscat Arabic 210 2.2 Cairene Arabic 212 2.2.1 Epenthesis in Cairene Arabic 213 2.2.2 SyncopeinCairene Arabie 213 2.3 Sudanese Arabic 215 2.3.1 Epenthesis in Sudanese Arabic 215 2.3.2 Syncope in Sudanese Arabic 216 3. Discussion 217 3.1 No [i] 217 3.2 Prosodie trapping 219 4. Conclusion 220 REFERENCES 221 ACOUSTICS OF PHARYNGEALIZATION VS. UVULARIZATION HARMONY 224 1. Introduction 224 2. Distinct Properties of Pharyngealization and Uvularization Harmonies in Palestinian Arabic 225 3. The Acoustic Study 228 3.1 Data and procedure 229 3.2 Design 230 3.3 Findings 232 3.3.1 Pharyngealization harmony 232 3.3.2 Uvularization harmony 240 4. Conclusion 244 APPENDIX 245 REFERENCES 245 PHONOLOGICAL VARIATION IN SYRIAN ARABIC: CORRELATION WITH GENDER, AGE AND EDUCATION 248 0. Introduction 248 1. Aim and Scope 248 2. Prior Research: Language and Gender 249 3. Data and Methodology 252 4. Data Analysis: Preview 253 5. Phonological Variation: Quantitative Analysis and Results 256 5.0 Introduction 256 5.1 The variables (θ) and (δ) 257 5.1.1 (θ), (δ) and gender 257 5.1.2 (θ), (δ) and age 258 5.1.3 (θ), (δ) and education 258 5.1.4 Gender, age and education in relation to (θ) and (δ) 259 5.2. The variable (q) 262 5.2.1 (q) and gender 263 5.2.2 (q) and age 263 5.2.3 (q) and education 264 5.2.4 Gender, age and education in relation to (q) 264 5.3 The Variable (aw) 267 5.3.1 (aw) and Gender 267 5.3.2 (aw) and age 268 5.3.3 (aw) and education 268 5.3.4 Gender, age and education in relation to (aw) 268 5.4 The variable (ay) 269 5.4.1 (ay) and gender 270 5.4.2 (ay) and age 270 5.4.3 (ay) and education 270 5.4.4 Gender, age and education in relation to (ay) 271 6. Conclusions 273 REFERENCES 276 IV. PERSPECTIVES ON THE ACQUISITION OF ARABIC 280 ARABIC SPEAKERS AND PARASITIC GAPS 282 0. Introduction 282 1. The Construction 282 2. L2 Acquisition 284 3. The Experiment 286 3.1 Subjects 286 3.2 Materials 287 4. Results 287 5. Discussion 288 6. Conclusion 290 REFERENCES 291 STRESS PROSODY AND SPEECH SEGMENTATION: EVIDENCE FROM MOROCCAN ARABIC 292 1. Theoretical Background 292 2. Evidence from Moroccan Arabic 293 3. Conclusion 299 REFERENCES 300 INDEX OF SUBJECTS 302 The papers in this volume are taken from the Tenth Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics held in 1996. Topics covered include: definiteness realization in standard Arabic; properties of nominalization Dps in classical Arabic; and underspecification of lexical entries for Arabic verbs.