Origins of Predicates: Evidence from Plains Cree (Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics)

This book offers a new perspective on natural language predicates by analyzing data from the Plains Cree language. Contrary to traditional understanding, Cree verbal complexes are syntactic constructs composed of morphemes as syntactic objects that are subject to structurally defined constraints, such as c-command. Tomio Hirose illustrates this in his study of vP syntax, event semantics, morphology-syntax mappings, unaccusativity, noun incorporation, and valency-reducing phenomena. Hirose demonstrates that what is known about aspectual properties of well-studied languages is also true of the less-studied Cree language. His findings significantly advance the study of syntax and semantics in both natural language predicates and in the verbal complexes in polysynthetic languages. Synthesizing the latest in linguistic theory and an array of empirical evidence, this book will be accessible to theoretical linguists, Americanists and students of the Cree language. Book Cover......Page 1 Half-Title......Page 2 Title......Page 5 Copyright......Page 6 Contents......Page 7 Acknowledgments......Page 12 Abbreviations and Symbols......Page 15 1.0 Introduction......Page 18 1.1 Three Defining Properties of the Predicate......Page 21 1.2 Plains Cree Roots Are Not Predicates......Page 24 1.3 Proposal: Predicates Are Syntactic Constructs......Page 26 1.4 An Implementation: vP Syntax......Page 28 1.5 Two Essential Theoretical Assumptions......Page 31 1.5.1 Bare Phrase Structure......Page 32 1.5.2 Theta-Role Assignment as Feature-Checking......Page 34 1.6.1 Two Lexical Categories and Four Verb Types......Page 37 1.6.2 Order: Independent vs. Conjunct......Page 38 1.6.3 Direction: Direct vs. Inverse......Page 39 1.6.4 Obviation: Proximate vs. Obviative......Page 40 1.8 Outline of the Thesis......Page 41 2.0 Introduction......Page 44 2.1 Evidence for the ZEH......Page 45 2.1.1 Paradigmatic Cases......Page 46 2.1.2 Problematic Cases......Page 51 2.2 Semantic and Syntactic Effects of t......Page 54 2.2.1 The Role of t in Eventuality Composition......Page 55 2.2.2 The Position of t......Page 63 2.3 Why Other Eventuality Theories Are Inappropriate for Plains Cree......Page 66 2.3.1 Lexical-Semantic Approaches......Page 68 2.3.2 Event Structure Approaches......Page 69 2.3.3 Syntactic Approaches......Page 71 2.3.3.1 McClure 1995......Page 72 2.3.3.2 Hale and Keyser 1993......Page 74 2.3.3.3 Borer 1994......Page 76 2.3.4 Facing a Case for Aspectual/Morphological Stacking......Page 78 2.3.5 Summary......Page 82 2.4 Dynamic Intransitives Are Structurally Transitive......Page 84 2.5 Interim Conclusion......Page 87 2.6 Eventualities Irrelevant to Eventuality Composition......Page 88 2.6.1 Achievement......Page 89 2.6.2 Semelfactive......Page 91 2.6.3 Dynamic......Page 94 3.0 Introduction......Page 97 3.1.1 Evidence for a Syntactic Treatment of Verbal Complexes......Page 98 3.1.2 A Linearization Mechanism for vP-Internal Morphemes......Page 100 3.2 Three vP Structures and Plains Cree Predicates......Page 105 3.2.1 Single-Layered vP: Static Unaccusatives......Page 109 3.2.2 Double-Layered vP I: Transitives......Page 110 3.2.2.1 Manner Specification......Page 114 3.2.2.2 Object Agreement......Page 116 3.2.2.3 Summary......Page 121 3.2.3 Double-Layered vP II: Unergatives......Page 122 3.2.3.1 Simple Unergatives......Page 123 3.2.3.2 Unergatives of Movement......Page 125 3.2.3.3 Summary......Page 128 3.2.4 Double-Layered vP III: Dynamic Unaccusatives......Page 129 3.2.5 Triple-Layered vP: Applicatives......Page 132 3.2.6 Summary......Page 138 3.3 The Demise of Morphological Templates......Page 139 3.4 Conclusion......Page 145 4.0 Introduction......Page 146 4.1 Incorporated Nouns and Medials......Page 148 4.2 Noun Incorporation......Page 151 4.2.1 Single-Layered vP: Static Unaccusatives......Page 153 4.2.2 Double-Layered vP I: Transitives......Page 154 4.2.3 Double-Layered vP II: Unergatives......Page 157 4.2.4 Double-Layered vP III: Dynamic Unaccusatives......Page 160 4.2.5 Triple-Layered vP: Applicatives......Page 162 4.2.6 Interim Summary......Page 167 4.2.7 Two Diagnostics of Syntactic Noun Incorporation......Page 171 4.2.7.1 Coreference......Page 172 4.2.7.2 Wh-Questions......Page 174 4.3 Medial Incorporation......Page 176 4.3.1 Three Functions of Medials......Page 178 4.3.2 A Syntactic Account......Page 180 4.3.3 Summary......Page 182 4.4 A Note on Morpheme Linearization......Page 185 4.5 Conclusion......Page 190 5.0 Introduction......Page 192 5.1 Generic Object Construction......Page 194 5.1.2 Double-Layered vP II: Unergatives......Page 196 5.1.3 Double-Layered vP III: Dynamic Unaccusatives......Page 198 5.1.4 Triple-Layered vP: Applicatives......Page 199 5.2 Unspecified Subject Construction......Page 203 5.2.1 An Analysis of USC: Dvchaine and Reinholtz 1998......Page 205 5.2.2 Evidence for Movement: “Copying to Object”......Page 207 5.2.3 Indifference of USC to Verb Type......Page 209 5.3 Conclusion......Page 213 6.1 Origins of Predicates......Page 217 6.2.1 Combinations of the Three Features......Page 219 6.2.3 Category-Neutrality of the Root......Page 222 6.2.4 Patterns of Realization and Conflation of Syntactic Objects......Page 224 6.2.5 Ordering the Merger of Features/Syntactic Objects......Page 226 6.2.6 Split of v1?4......Page 227 6.2.7 Beyond vP Structures: Capturing Two Direction-Related Generalizations......Page 229 6.3 Conclusion......Page 234 7.0 Introduction......Page 235 7.1 -Payi as a Reflexive Suffix......Page 236 7.2 An Implementation of Reflexivization......Page 238 7.2.1 Raising over Binding......Page 239 7.2.2 Internal vs. External Reflexivization......Page 242 7.3 Conclusion: On (No) Causative-Inchoative Alternation......Page 246 References......Page 250 Index......Page 256 Language & Literature Book Cover 1 Half-Title 2 Title 5 Copyright 6 Contents 7 Acknowledgments 12 Abbreviations and Symbols 15 CHAPTER 1 Introduction 18 1.0 Introduction 18 1.1 Three Defining Properties of the Predicate 21 1.2 Plains Cree Roots Are Not Predicates 24 1.3 Proposal: Predicates Are Syntactic Constructs 26 1.4 An Implementation: vP Syntax 28 1.5 Two Essential Theoretical Assumptions 31 1.5.1 Bare Phrase Structure 32 1.5.2 Theta-Role Assignment as Feature-Checking 34 1.6 A Mini-Grammar of Plains Cree 37 1.6.1 Two Lexical Categories and Four Verb Types 37 1.6.2 Order: Independent vs. Conjunct 38 1.6.3 Direction: Direct vs. Inverse 39 1.6.4 Obviation: Proximate vs. Obviative 40 1.7 Methodology 41 1.8 Outline of the Thesis 41 CHAPTER 2 The Zero Eventuality Hypothesis 44 2.0 Introduction 44 2.1 Evidence for the ZEH 45 2.1.1 Paradigmatic Cases 46 2.1.2 Problematic Cases 51 2.2 Semantic and Syntactic Effects of t 54 2.2.1 The Role of t in Eventuality Composition 55 2.2.2 The Position of t 63 2.3 Why Other Eventuality Theories Are Inappropriate for Plains Cree 66 2.3.1 Lexical-Semantic Approaches 68 2.3.2 Event Structure Approaches 69 2.3.3 Syntactic Approaches 71 2.3.3.1 McClure 1995 72 2.3.3.2 Hale and Keyser 1993 74 2.3.3.3 Borer 1994 76 2.3.4 Facing a Case for Aspectual/Morphological Stacking 78 2.3.5 Summary 82 2.4 Dynamic Intransitives Are Structurally Transitive 84 2.5 Interim Conclusion 87 2.6 Eventualities Irrelevant to Eventuality Composition 88 2.6.1 Achievement 89 2.6.2 Semelfactive 91 2.6.3 Dynamic 94 CHAPTER 3 vP Structures and the Syntax of Affixation 97 3.0 Introduction 97 3.1 The Syntax of Affixation 98 3.1.1 Evidence for a Syntactic Treatment of Verbal Complexes 98 3.1.2 A Linearization Mechanism for vP-Internal Morphemes 100 3.2 Three vP Structures and Plains Cree Predicates 105 3.2.1 Single-Layered vP: Static Unaccusatives 109 3.2.2 Double-Layered vP I: Transitives 110 3.2.2.1 Manner Specification 114 3.2.2.2 Object Agreement 116 3.2.2.3 Summary 121 3.2.3 Double-Layered vP II: Unergatives 122 3.2.3.1 Simple Unergatives 123 3.2.3.2 Unergatives of Movement 125 3.2.3.3 Summary 128 3.2.4 Double-Layered vP III: Dynamic Unaccusatives 129 3.2.5 Triple-Layered vP: Applicatives 132 3.2.6 Summary 138 3.3 The Demise of Morphological Templates 139 3.4 Conclusion 145 CHAPTER 4 vP Structures and Noun Incorporation Phenomena 146 4.0 Introduction 146 4.1 Incorporated Nouns and Medials 148 4.2 Noun Incorporation 151 4.2.1 Single-Layered vP: Static Unaccusatives 153 4.2.2 Double-Layered vP I: Transitives 154 4.2.3 Double-Layered vP II: Unergatives 157 4.2.4 Double-Layered vP III: Dynamic Unaccusatives 160 4.2.5 Triple-Layered vP: Applicatives 162 4.2.6 Interim Summary 167 4.2.7 Two Diagnostics of Syntactic Noun Incorporation 171 4.2.7.1 Coreference 172 4.2.7.2 Wh-Questions 174 4.3 Medial Incorporation 176 4.3.1 Three Functions of Medials 178 4.3.2 A Syntactic Account 180 4.3.3 Summary 182 4.4 A Note on Morpheme Linearization 185 4.5 Conclusion 190 CHAPTER 5 vP Structures and Operator-Binding Phenomena 192 5.0 Introduction 192 5.1 Generic Object Construction 194 5.1.1 Double-Layered vbP I: Transitives 196 5.1.2 Double-Layered vP II: Unergatives 196 5.1.3 Double-Layered vP III: Dynamic Unaccusatives 198 5.1.4 Triple-Layered vP: Applicatives 199 5.1.5 Summary 203 5.2 Unspecified Subject Construction 203 5.2.1 An Analysis of USC: Dvchaine and Reinholtz 1998 205 5.2.2 Evidence for Movement: “Copying to Object” 207 5.2.3 Indifference of USC to Verb Type 209 5.2.4 Summary 213 5.3 Conclusion 213 CHAPTER 6 Conclusion 217 6.0 Introduction 217 6.1 Origins of Predicates 217 6.2 Implications of OP: Further Issues and Remaining Questions 219 6.2.1 Combinations of the Three Features 219 6.2.2 Recursivity of the Predicate-Defining Properties 222 6.2.3 Category-Neutrality of the Root 222 6.2.4 Patterns of Realization and Conflation of Syntactic Objects 224 6.2.5 Ordering the Merger of Features/Syntactic Objects 226 6.2.6 Split of v1?4 227 6.2.7 Beyond vP Structures: Capturing Two Direction-Related Generalizations 229 6.3 Conclusion 234 CHAPTER 7 Appendix 235 7.0 Introduction 235 7.1 -Payi as a Reflexive Suffix 236 7.2 An Implementation of Reflexivization 238 7.2.1 Raising over Binding 239 7.2.2 Internal vs. External Reflexivization 242 7.3 Conclusion: On (No) Causative-Inchoative Alternation 246 References 250 Index 256