Mayas In The Marketplace: Tourism, Globalization, And Cultural Identity Ethnology Monographs

## E thnographies are the result of the collaboration, cooperation, and support of many people and institutions. This one is no exception. Certainly, I am indebted to more people than I probably realize. I offer my apologies in advance to those I overlook; such omissions were not intentional. Without the permission, interest, camaraderie, friendship, and encouragement of the handicraft vendors upon whom this book is based, my research would not have been possible. Even now, after more than ten years of working and socializing with vendors, I am still amazed by how much of their lives they continue to share with me. We look forward to my annual two-to three-month visits to Guatemala, and as some of them become more successful, we look forward to their visits to the United States. Clearly, our communities are beginning to overlap. Given the political history of Guatemala, the troubles that handicraft vendors faced and will probably face with the municipality, and the fact that most would prefer not to be named, it is not possible or prudent for me to thank them individually. For these reasons, personal names in this book have been altered. All vendors not only generously contributed to my research, they also made sure that my family and I were safe, entertained, and fed. Several families in Guatemala deserve special recognition, not necessarily for the help they provided in direct relation to my field research, but for their friendship and how well they took care of me and my family. Their homes were places where I could relax, feel at ease, and develop friendships. Foremost among these is the Simon-Icu family of Comalapa, whose generosity, humor, and goodwill made my daughter announce more than once that she would just live with them. It was with this family that I really learned to speak Kaqchikel. The Tax family in Santa Catarina Palopo and the Lopez Hernandez family in San Antonio Aguas Calientes also took me into their homes and befriended, fed, and teased me. The Arreola and Spillari families in Antigua provided me with places to live, but more importandy, they helped me remember that not all Ladinos vn depreciate Mayas. These families welcomed my Maya friends into their homes and relayed messages to Mayas and to my family when they were not with me in Guatemala. Had it not been for my participation inTulane University's Oxlajuj Aj Kaqchikel Maya Language course in Guatemala, I probably never would have done my research on Kaqchikel Maya vendors. At least, I would not have been able to do it the way I did.The founding directors of the course, Judith Maxwell and Robert McKenna Brown, provided a good example of how to work with Mayas and helped me make a number of early contacts. Often just the mention of their good names opened doors for me. All of the Oxlajuj Aj teachers introduced me to Kaqchikel Maya life and language; a few in particular helped me understand my data, entertained me, consoled me when my family was not in Guatemala, looked after me when I was sick, provided me with advice that made living in Guatemala easier, and have never ceased in their efforts to improve my Kaqchikel. These include 2005 — Best Book Award – New England Council of Latin American Studies Selling handicrafts to tourists has brought the Maya peoples of Guatemala into the world market. Vendors from rural communities now offer their wares to more than 500,000 international tourists annually in the marketplaces of larger cities such as Antigua, Guatemala City, Panajachel, and Chichicastenango. Like businesspeople anywhere, Maya artisans analyze the desires and needs of their customers and shape their products to meet the demands of the market. But how has adapting to the global marketplace reciprocally shaped the identity and cultural practices of the Maya peoples? Drawing on over a decade of fieldwork, Walter Little presents the first ethnographic study of Maya handicraft vendors in the international marketplace. Focusing on Kaqchikel Mayas who commute to Antigua to sell their goods, he explores three significant issues: how the tourist marketplace conflates global and local distinctions. how the marketplace becomes a border zone where national and international, developed and underdeveloped, and indigenous and non-indigenous come together. how marketing to tourists changes social roles, gender relationships, and ethnic identity in the vendors' home communities. Little's wide-ranging research challenges our current understanding of tourism's negative impact on indigenous communities. He demonstrates that the Maya are maintaining a specific, community-based sense of Maya identity, even as they commodify their culture for tourist consumption in the world market.

selling Handicrafts To Tourists Has Brought The Maya Peoples Of Guatemala Into The World Market. Vendors From Rural Communities Now Offer Their Wares To More Than 500,000 International Tourists Annually In The Marketplaces Of Larger Cities Such As Antigua, Guatemala City, Panajachel, And Chichicastenango. Like Businesspeople Anywhere, Maya Artisans Analyze The Desires And Needs Of Their Customers And Shape Their Products To Meet The Demands Of The Market. But How Has Adapting To The Global Marketplace Reciprocally Shaped The Identity And Cultural Practices Of The Maya Peoples?
Drawing On Over A Decade Of Fieldwork, Walter Little Presents The First Ethnographic Study Of Maya Handicraft Vendors In The International Marketplace. Focusing On Kaqchikel Mayas Who Commute To Antigua To Sell Their Goods, He Explores Three Significant Issues:
∑ How The Tourist Marketplace Conflates Global And Local Distinctions.
∑ How The Marketplace Becomes A Border Zone Where National And International, Developed And Underdeveloped, And Indigenous And Non-indigenous Come Together.
∑ How Marketing To Tourists Changes Social Roles, Gender Relationships, And Ethnic Identity In The Vendors' Home Communities.
little's Wide-ranging Research Challenges Our Current Understanding Of Tourism's Negative Impact On Indigenous Communities. He Demonstrates That The Maya Are Maintaining A Specific, Community-based Sense Of Maya Identity, Even As They Commodify Their Culture For Tourist Consumption In The World Market.

Selling handicrafts to tourists has brought the Maya peoples of Guatemala into the world market. Vendors from rural communities now offer their wares to more than 500,000 international tourists annually in the marketplaces of larger cities such as Antigua, Guatemala City, Panajachel, and Chichicastenango. Like businesspeople anywhere, Maya artisans analyze the desires and needs of their customers and shape their products to meet the demands of the market. But how has adapting to the global marketplace reciprocally shaped the identity and cultural practices of the Maya peoples? Drawing on over a decade of fieldwork, Walter Little presents the first ethnographic study of Maya handicraft vendors in the international marketplace. Focusing on Kaqchikel Mayas who commute to Antigua to sell their goods, he explores three significant issues: &sum how the tourist marketplace conflates global and local distinctions. &sum how the marketplace becomes a border zone where national and international, developed and underdeveloped, and indigenous and non-indigenous come together. &sum how marketing to tourists changes social roles, gender relationships, and ethnic identity in the vendors' home communities. Little's wide-ranging research challenges our current understanding of tourism's negative impact on indigenous communities. He demonstrates that the Maya are maintaining a specific, community-based sense of Maya identity, even as they commodify their culture for tourist consumption in the world market