Lenin's Electoral Strategy from Marx and Engels through the Revolution of 1905 : the Ballot, the streets--or both

## Preface xiii For Lenin's voice, I rely almost exclusively on the 1976 printing of V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, in 45 volumes, the English edition of the slightly more extensive Russian edition, which is now online at http://www .marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/cw/index.htm; for that reason I employ its spellings, such as "Cadets" rather than "Kadets." I'm aware that not all that Lenin wrote is in print-and not just the unpublished documents Pipes's aforementioned selection drew on. Lenin's wife Krupskaya reported that much of their archives had to be burned before they fled Finland at the end of 1907, no doubt including many documents related to the Second State Duma. 11 And then there are the gargantuan Cracow archives that Lenin and Krupskaya had to abandon when the First World War broke out, reported to dwarf the Collected Works by at least a factor of ten. 12 For some reason they have never found their way into print; they too are no doubt rich in relevant documents, especially about the Third and Fourth State Dumas. That I rely primarily on the Collected Works may for some readers raise a red flag. Shouldn't I employ other voices in a more "even-handed" way? First, the aim of this book is to present what Lenin actually said given the silences in other accounts. Relying on his Collected Works is the only feasible way to do that. Second, as for differing opinions on significant issues, the reader will see that Lenin, who was writing in real time, often copiously reproduced his opponents' views in his polemics in order to take them on. Unlike today, his audience had access to both sides of the debate, and I assume with some confidence, therefore, Lenin had to be faithful in quoting opponents. What I can't determine, admittedly, is what Lenin didn't quote. Yet as the reader will see, he had to be convincing to be effective, which meant addressing his opponents' arguments in good faith. Every so often in politics a moment occurs that suggests history in the making. Only Minerva's owl and, more encouragingly, students of history can make a definitive judgment. At the risk of sounding tempocentric, the eruption that began at the end of 2010-in Tunis, and then Cairo (where Natalie, my companion, was able to put in a brief appearance), Madison (where she spent a lot of time), New Delhi, Tel Aviv, New York, Oakland, Athens, Madrid, and then back to New Delhi, nearby Dhaka, and later the improbable Nicosia, and now, as this is being written, Istanbul and Rio de Janeiro-appears to be the long-expected (at least by some of us) breakthrough in the more than three-decade-long lull in the global class struggle. And this time the axis had finally shifted from the longoverburdened Third World to the long somnolent advanced capitalist world, especially its capital, the United States. Since it is in essence a response to one of those rare moments in the 250-year history of the xiv Preface capitalist mode of production, a global economic crisis-the last time the masses have gone in motion on a near-global scale-we can have more confidence that this upsurge, despite its inevitable ebbs and flows, has staying power. Years of resistance, with all the learning opportunities that come with such challenges to business as usual, are on the agenda for the world's toilers. What is needed are those prepared to participate in and distill the lessons of those opportunities, like the 35-year old Lenin in Russia's "dress rehearsal" of 1905. This book, along with all the unseen, unacknowledged efforts in every corner of the world, is offered to aid and abet the future Lenins-to ensure that this moment will one day be the stuff of history. "Can the electoral and parliamentary arenas be used toward revolutionary ends? This is precisely the question - possibly more than any other - that held Lenin's attention for a decade, 1905 to 1915, and to which he gave an affirmative reply. This is the first book length study of this sorely neglected side of his politics that was intimately linked to his better known party building project and writings on the peasant question. It looks in detail at his Can electoral and parliamentary arenas be used toward revolutionary ends? This is precisely the question that held Lenin's attention from 1905 to 1917, leading him to conclude that they could - and would. This book explores the time in which Lenin initiated his use of the electorate, beginning with the Marxist roots of Lenin's politics, and then details his efforts to lead the deputies of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the First and Second State Dumas, concluding with Russia's first experiment in representative democracy from 1906 to 1907. During this time, Lenin had to address such issues such as whether to boycott or participate in undemocratic elections, how to conduct election campaigns, whether to enter into electoral blocs and the related 'lesser of two evils' dilemma, how to keep deputies accountable to the party, and how to balance electoral politics with armed struggle. Lenin later said that the lessons of that work was 'indispensable' for Bolshevik success in 1917, which shows that this thorough analysis of the time period is crucial to any understanding of Leninism"-- Provided by publisher "Can the electoral and parliamentary arenas be used toward revolutionary ends? This is precisely the question that held Lenin's attention from 1905 to 1917, and to which he said, yes. This is the first book length study of this sorely neglected side of his politics which was intimately linked to his better known party building project and writings on the peasantry. This volume, the second of two, details his efforts to lead the deputies of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the Third and Fourth State Dumas, Russia's first experiment in representative democracy, from 1907 to 19017--from counterrevolution to the Revolution of October of 1917. Issues such as whether to take part in the Dumas, how to combine legal and illegal work, how to ensure party leadership of its Duma deputies, how to employ the Duma to forge the worker-peasant alliance and, most importantly, to do anti-war work when the First World War began--all had to be addressed. The answers Lenin provided increasingly put him at odds with Western European Social Democrats, foreshadowing the historic split in the international Marxist movement in 1914. Bolshevik success in 1917, the book argues, can be traced to what was learned in that more than decade-long experience--lessons for today's protester"-- Provided by publisher This book explores the time in which Lenin initiated his use of the electorate, beginning with the Marxist roots of his politics, from his leadership of Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the First and Second State Dumas to Russia's first experiment in representative democracy from 1906 to 1907. Front Matter....Pages i-xvi What Marx and Engels Bequeathed....Pages 1-42 Revolutionary Continuity....Pages 43-82 “The Dress Rehearsal” and the First Duma....Pages 83-126 From Revolution to “Coup d’État”....Pages 127-169 Back Matter....Pages 171-225