Humanitarian Occupation (Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law, Series Number 59)

This book analyzes the legal implications of international organizations assuming the powers of national governments. Cover......Page 1 Half-title......Page 3 Series Title......Page 4 Title......Page 5 Copyright......Page 6 Dedication......Page 7 Contents......Page 9 Acknowledgments......Page 13 Introduction......Page 15 I. Why humanitarian occupation?......Page 18 II. Legal Justifications......Page 22 IV. A Collective innovation......Page 26 Section I Historical antecedents......Page 29 1 The historical origins of humanitarian occupation I: governance in service of outsiders......Page 31 I. Origins in the nineteenth century......Page 33 II. Territories administered as a result of the 1919 settlement......Page 34 A. Fashioning international authority......Page 37 B. The mandatories’ governance obligations......Page 40 C. The locus of sovereignty debate......Page 42 IV. United Nations trusteeship territories......Page 47 V. Conclusions......Page 53 2 Historical origins of humanitarian occupation II: internationalized territory in service of insiders......Page 55 I. The rise of post-conflict reconstruction......Page 59 II. Common tasks and objectives......Page 62 A. Territorial integrity......Page 65 B. Democratic politics......Page 66 C. Human rights......Page 69 III. Centrality of consent......Page 72 A. The role of consent in post-conflict missions......Page 73 B. Actual consent......Page 78 C. Constructed consent......Page 82 IV. Conclusions......Page 83 3 Full international governance......Page 86 A. Following the territorial imperative......Page 88 B. Creating consent......Page 90 C. The Dayton model of statehood......Page 92 A. The genesis of the conflict and early international involvement......Page 98 B. Escalating international involvement......Page 101 C. The Rambouillet conference......Page 103 D. War and peace......Page 105 E. The Interim international administration......Page 107 F. Final status negotiations......Page 109 G. Observations......Page 111 A. From voting to violence......Page 112 B. Pressure to internationalize......Page 114 C. The UNTAET mandate......Page 116 D. United Nations statehood?......Page 117 IV. The Eastern Slavonia mission......Page 120 V. Conclusions......Page 124 Section II Why humanitarian occupation?......Page 127 4 Rejected models of statehood......Page 129 I. Introducing the policy options......Page 132 II. Legal constraints on exclusionary nationalism......Page 135 A. No legal support for homogeneity achieved through murder, subordination or forcible conversion......Page 137 1. The argument for separation......Page 139 2. The rejection in practice......Page 140 3. Procedural limitations and transaction costs......Page 146 4. Negotiated partition......Page 148 C. No legal support for mass population movements......Page 150 III. Conclusion: what remains? the politics of inclusion......Page 154 5 Constructing the liberal state......Page 156 I. The stubborn persistence of a state-centered order......Page 157 A. The empirical claim......Page 158 B. The normative claim......Page 162 A. The mainstreaming of democracy promotion......Page 168 B. Procedural versus substantive democracy......Page 171 III. Elections......Page 176 IV. Human rights......Page 181 V. Conclusions......Page 186 Section III Legal justifications......Page 189 A. The coercion problem......Page 191 B. The prohibition on coerced treaties......Page 193 C. The humanitarian occupation agreements......Page 195 1. The Nature of the coercion......Page 202 2. The nature of the agreement......Page 206 3. Justifiable force?......Page 209 II. Second legal framework: Security Council fiat......Page 214 A. Limits on Council authority within the Charter......Page 215 1. The self-determination claim......Page 219 2. Difficulties with jus cogens limitations......Page 225 3. An alternative methodology: implied consent......Page 228 III. Conclusion......Page 231 7 The international law of occupation......Page 232 I. Applicability of occupation law to multilateral humanitarian occupations......Page 236 A. UN ratification of humanitarian law treaties......Page 237 B. The UN and the customary law of occupation......Page 239 C. The nature of UN customary law obligations......Page 244 A. The prohibition against altering legal and political institutions in the occupied territory: the conservationist principle......Page 247 1. Military necessity......Page 251 2. Obligations imposed by the Fourth Geneva Convention......Page 252 1. A reformist reading of occupation law......Page 256 2. Is the conservationist principle an anachronism?......Page 263 A. The occupation of Germany......Page 269 1. Social engineering in Iraq......Page 273 2. Did the Security Council endorse a "transformative occupation”?......Page 277 3. Resolution 1483 as precedent......Page 283 IV. Conclusions......Page 284 8 Reforming the law: the Security Council as legislator......Page 287 I. Transcending state-centric norms......Page 288 A. Normative origins......Page 289 B. The reciprocal nature of state-centric norms......Page 293 C. State-centric norms and a collective agenda......Page 299 D. Lack of adjudicatory mechanisms......Page 300 II. Security Council legislation......Page 302 A. A distinct competence......Page 303 B. Council legislation in practice......Page 304 C. Legitimating legislative acts......Page 308 1. Subjective element: norms and state interests......Page 309 2. Objective element: supportive practice......Page 313 III. Conclusions......Page 317 Conclusions......Page 319 Index......Page 323 Cambridge studies in international and comparative law......Page 335 Cover 1 Half-title 3 Series Title 4 Title 5 Copyright 6 Dedication 7 Contents 9 Acknowledgments 13 Introduction 15 I. Why humanitarian occupation? 18 II. Legal Justifications 22 IV. A Collective innovation 26 Section I Historical antecedents 29 1 The historical origins of humanitarian occupation I: governance in service of outsiders 31 I. Origins in the nineteenth century 33 II. Territories administered as a result of the 1919 settlement 34 III. League of Nations mandates 37 A. Fashioning international authority 37 B. The mandatories’ governance obligations 40 C. The locus of sovereignty debate 42 IV. United Nations trusteeship territories 47 V. Conclusions 53 2 Historical origins of humanitarian occupation II: internationalized territory in service of insiders 55 I. The rise of post-conflict reconstruction 59 II. Common tasks and objectives 62 A. Territorial integrity 65 B. Democratic politics 66 C. Human rights 69 III. Centrality of consent 72 A. The role of consent in post-conflict missions 73 B. Actual consent 78 C. Constructed consent 82 IV. Conclusions 83 3 Full international governance 86 I. The Bosnia mission 88 A. Following the territorial imperative 88 B. Creating consent 90 C. The Dayton model of statehood 92 II. The Kosovo operation 98 A. The genesis of the conflict and early international involvement 98 B. Escalating international involvement 101 C. The Rambouillet conference 103 D. War and peace 105 E. The Interim international administration 107 F. Final status negotiations 109 G. Observations 111 III. The East Timor mission 112 A. From voting to violence 112 B. Pressure to internationalize 114 C. The UNTAET mandate 116 D. United Nations statehood? 117 IV. The Eastern Slavonia mission 120 V. Conclusions 124 Section II Why humanitarian occupation? 127 4 Rejected models of statehood 129 I. Introducing the policy options 132 II. Legal constraints on exclusionary nationalism 135 A. No legal support for homogeneity achieved through murder, subordination or forcible conversion 137 B. No legal support for secession or partition 139 1. The argument for separation 139 2. The rejection in practice 140 3. Procedural limitations and transaction costs 146 4. Negotiated partition 148 C. No legal support for mass population movements 150 III. Conclusion: what remains? the politics of inclusion 154 5 Constructing the liberal state 156 I. The stubborn persistence of a state-centered order 157 A. The empirical claim 158 B. The normative claim 162 II. Norms of governance 168 A. The mainstreaming of democracy promotion 168 B. Procedural versus substantive democracy 171 III. Elections 176 IV. Human rights 181 V. Conclusions 186 Section III Legal justifications 189 6 Conventional legal justications 191 I. First legal framework: consent to humanitarian occupation 191 A. The coercion problem 191 B. The prohibition on coerced treaties 193 C. The humanitarian occupation agreements 195 D. Potential complications 202 1. The Nature of the coercion 202 2. The nature of the agreement 206 3. Justifiable force? 209 E. Conclusion 214 II. Second legal framework: Security Council fiat 214 A. Limits on Council authority within the Charter 215 B. Limits on Council authority outside the Charter: jus cogens 219 1. The self-determination claim 219 2. Difficulties with jus cogens limitations 225 3. An alternative methodology: implied consent 228 III. Conclusion 231 7 The international law of occupation 232 I. Applicability of occupation law to multilateral humanitarian occupations 236 A. UN ratification of humanitarian law treaties 237 B. The UN and the customary law of occupation 239 C. The nature of UN customary law obligations 244 II. Is humanitarian occupation fundamentally inconsistent with occupation law? 247 A. The prohibition against altering legal and political institutions in the occupied territory: the conservationist principle 247 B. Limited exceptions to the conservationist principle 251 1. Military necessity 251 2. Obligations imposed by the Fourth Geneva Convention 252 C. Broader challenges to the conservationist principle 256 1. A reformist reading of occupation law 256 2. Is the conservationist principle an anachronism? 263 III. Two transformative occupations: challenging the conservationist principle 269 A. The occupation of Germany 269 B. The Iraq occupation 273 1. Social engineering in Iraq 273 2. Did the Security Council endorse a "transformative occupation”? 277 3. Resolution 1483 as precedent 283 IV. Conclusions 284 8 Reforming the law: the Security Council as legislator 287 I. Transcending state-centric norms 288 A. Normative origins 289 B. The reciprocal nature of state-centric norms 293 C. State-centric norms and a collective agenda 299 D. Lack of adjudicatory mechanisms 300 II. Security Council legislation 302 A. A distinct competence 303 B. Council legislation in practice 304 C. Legitimating legislative acts 308 1. Subjective element: norms and state interests 309 2. Objective element: supportive practice 313 III. Conclusions 317 Conclusions 319 Index 323 Cambridge studies in international and comparative law 335 This book analyzes a new phenomenon in international law: international organizations assuming the powers of a national government in order to reform political institutions. After reviewing the history of internationalized territories, this book asks two questions about these 'humanitarian occupations'. First, why did they occur? The book argues that the missions were part of a larger trend in international law to maintain existing states and their populations. The only way this could occur in these territories, which had all seen violent internal conflict, was for international administrators to take charge. Second, what is the legal justification for the missions? The book examines each of the existing justifications and finds them wanting. A new foundation is needed, one that takes account of the missions' authorisation by the UN Security Council and their pursuit of goals widely supported in the international community.