Gender, Work and Wages in Industrial Revolution Britain (Cambridge Studies in Economic History - Second Series)

A major new study of the role of women in the labor market of Industrial Revolution Britain. It is well known that men and women usually worked in different occupations, and that women earned lower wages than men. These differences are usually attributed to custom but Joyce Burnette here demonstrates instead that gender differences in occupations and wages were instead largely driven by market forces. Her findings reveal that rather than harming women competition actually helped them by eroding the power that male workers needed to restrict female employment and minimizing the gender wage gap by sorting women into the least strength-intensive occupations. Where the strength requirements of an occupation made women less productive than men, occupational segregation maximized both economic efficiency and female incomes. She shows that women's wages were then market wages rather than customary and the gender wage gap resulted from actual differences in productivity. Cover......Page 1 Half-title......Page 3 Series-title......Page 4 Title......Page 5 Copyright......Page 6 Contents......Page 7 Figures......Page 8 Tables......Page 9 Preface......Page 13 Introduction......Page 15 1 Women’s occupations......Page 30 I. Measuring occupational segregation......Page 31 A. The census......Page 32 B. Employment ratios......Page 39 C. Commercial directories......Page 42 II. Survey of women’s work......Page 52 A. Textiles......Page 53 B. Cottage industries......Page 58 Lace......Page 59 Gloves......Page 62 C. Agriculture......Page 64 D. Domestic service......Page 71 E. Variety......Page 74 Conclusion......Page 85 2 Women’s wages......Page 86 I. Interpreting piece-rate wages......Page 98 II. Interpreting time-rate wages......Page 107 III. Productivity differences......Page 117 A. Strength......Page 118 B. Training......Page 129 IV. Did women earn customary wages?......Page 137 Definition 1: Wages were set by government regulation......Page 138 Definition 2: Wages did not respond to the forces of supply and demand......Page 139 Definition 3: Wages were customary in the sense that they were lower than fair market wages......Page 144 Definition 4: Wages were customary in the sense that they were determined by custom even when custom conflicted with market forces......Page 145 Definition 5: Wages are set by market forces but justified by custom......Page 147 3 Explaining occupational sorting......Page 150 A. Models of sorting......Page 152 Model A: Job choice with piece-rate wages......Page 153 Model B: Time-rate wages with sex as a signal of strength......Page 162 1. Patterns of occupational sorting......Page 168 2. Unusual women......Page 177 3. Regional patterns......Page 179 4. Responses to changes in technology and demand......Page 183 II. Occupational sorting and child care......Page 185 A. Why mothers took responsibility for child care......Page 186 2. Comparative advantage in the labor market......Page 187 3. Gender roles......Page 188 B. Why women worked in cottage industry......Page 189 Conclusion......Page 199 4 Testing for occupational barriers in agriculture......Page 200 I. Cross-price elasticities......Page 202 A. Data......Page 204 B. Results......Page 207 II. Wage correlations......Page 214 A. 1768–70......Page 217 B. 1833......Page 219 C. 1860......Page 229 D. France in 1839......Page 232 Conclusion......Page 234 I. Occupational sorting not based on strength......Page 235 II. Sources of occupational barriers among employees......Page 241 A. Government regulation......Page 242 B. Gender ideology......Page 245 C. Guilds......Page 247 D. Employers......Page 254 E. Unions......Page 257 III. Where unions could be successful......Page 263 1. Handloom weavers......Page 268 2. Framework knitters......Page 271 3. Miners......Page 273 4. Agriculture......Page 274 1. Mule spinners......Page 278 2. Tailors......Page 280 3. Wool-combers......Page 282 Conclusion......Page 286 I Consumer discrimination......Page 288 II. Married women and the law......Page 291 III. Capital......Page 295 IV. Education......Page 302 V. Professionalization......Page 303 A. Law......Page 305 B. Medicine......Page 307 C. The church......Page 312 D. Teaching......Page 314 Conclusion......Page 318 7 Women’s labor force participation......Page 320 I. Demand......Page 324 II. Barriers to employment......Page 328 III. Increased household incomes......Page 332 IV. Value of home production......Page 335 V. Gender ideology and changes in preferences......Page 336 Conclusion......Page 339 8 Conclusion......Page 341 Model A......Page 350 Model B......Page 351 Model C: the learning model......Page 353 4.1 Models of discrimination......Page 356 4.2 Cross-price elasticity as a test for gender segregation......Page 357 Within-task versus across-task substitution......Page 358 4.3 Wage correlation as a test for gender segregation......Page 361 PRIMARY BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS (BPP)......Page 365 OTHER PRIMARY MATERIAL......Page 366 SECONDARY SOURCES......Page 368 Index......Page 384 Cover 1 Half-title 3 Series-title 4 Title 5 Copyright 6 Contents 7 Figures 8 Tables 9 Preface 13 Introduction 15 1 Women’s occupations 30 I. Measuring occupational segregation 31 A. The census 32 B. Employment ratios 39 C. Commercial directories 42 II. Survey of women’s work 52 A. Textiles 53 B. Cottage industries 58 Lace 59 Straw plaiting 62 Gloves 62 Buttons 64 C. Agriculture 64 D. Domestic service 71 E. Variety 74 Conclusion 85 2 Women’s wages 86 I. Interpreting piece-rate wages 98 II. Interpreting time-rate wages 107 III. Productivity differences 117 A. Strength 118 B. Training 129 IV. Did women earn customary wages? 137 Definition 1: Wages were set by government regulation 138 Definition 2: Wages did not respond to the forces of supply and demand 139 Definition 3: Wages were customary in the sense that they were lower than fair market wages 144 Definition 4: Wages were customary in the sense that they were determined by custom even when custom conflicted with market forces 145 Definition 5: Wages are set by market forces but justified by custom 147 3 Explaining occupational sorting 150 I. Occupational sorting based on strength 152 A. Models of sorting 152 Model A: Job choice with piece-rate wages 153 Model B: Time-rate wages with sex as a signal of strength 162 B. Anecdotal evidence of market-based sorting by strength 168 1. Patterns of occupational sorting 168 2. Unusual women 177 3. Regional patterns 179 4. Responses to changes in technology and demand 183 II. Occupational sorting and child care 185 A. Why mothers took responsibility for child care 186 1. Biological reasons 187 2. Comparative advantage in the labor market 187 3. Gender roles 188 B. Why women worked in cottage industry 189 Conclusion 199 4 Testing for occupational barriers in agriculture 200 I. Cross-price elasticities 202 A. Data 204 B. Results 207 II. Wage correlations 214 A. 1768–70 217 B. 1833 219 C. 1860 229 D. France in 1839 232 Conclusion 234 5 Barriers to women’s employment 235 I. Occupational sorting not based on strength 235 II. Sources of occupational barriers among employees 241 A. Government regulation 242 B. Gender ideology 245 C. Guilds 247 D. Employers 254 E. Unions 257 III. Where unions could be successful 263 A. Unions among low-skilled workers 268 1. Handloom weavers 268 2. Framework knitters 271 3. Miners 273 4. Agriculture 274 B. Unions among highly skilled workers 278 1. Mule spinners 278 2. Tailors 280 3. Wool-combers 282 Conclusion 286 6 Occupational barriers in self-employment 288 I Consumer discrimination 288 II. Married women and the law 291 III. Capital 295 IV. Education 302 V. Professionalization 303 A. Law 305 B. Medicine 307 C. The church 312 D. Teaching 314 Conclusion 318 7 Women’s labor force participation 320 I. Demand 324 II. Barriers to employment 328 III. Increased household incomes 332 IV. Value of home production 335 V. Gender ideology and changes in preferences 336 Conclusion 339 8 Conclusion 341 Appendix to Chapter 3 350 Model A 350 Model B 351 Model C: the learning model 353 Appendix to Chapter 4 356 4.1 Models of discrimination 356 4.2 Cross-price elasticity as a test for gender segregation 357 Within-task versus across-task substitution 358 4.3 Wage correlation as a test for gender segregation 361 Bibliography 365 PRIMARY BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS (BPP) 365 OTHER PRIMARY MATERIAL 366 SECONDARY SOURCES 368 Index 384 A major study of the role of women in the labour market of Industrial Revolution Britain. It is well known that men and women usually worked in different occupations, and that women earned lower wages than men. These differences are usually attributed to custom but Joyce Burnette here demonstrates instead that gender differences in occupations and wages were instead largely driven by market forces. Her findings reveal that rather than harming women competition actually helped them by eroding the power that male workers needed to restrict female employment and minimising the gender wage gap by sorting women into the least strength-intensive occupations. Where the strength requirements of an occupation made women less productive than men, occupational segregation maximised both economic efficiency and female incomes. She shows that women's wages were then market wages rather than customary and the gender wage gap resulted from actual differences in productivity. Introduction -- Women's Occupations -- Women's Wages -- Explaining Occupational Sorting -- Testing For Occupational Barriers In Agriculture -- Barriers To Women's Employment -- Occupational Barriers In Self-employment -- Women's Labour Force Participation -- Conclusion -- Appendix To Chapter Three -- Appendix To Chapter Four. Joyce Burnette. Includes Bibliographical References (p. 351 - 369) And Index. A major study of the role of women in the labour market of Industrial Revolution Britain. Joyce Burnette demonstrates that gender differences in occupations and wages were largely driven by market forces and resulted from actual differences in productivity. She shows that rather than harming women competition actually helped them. Introduction Women's occupations Women's wages Explaining occupational sorting Testing for occupational barriers in agriculture Barriers to women's employment Occupational barriers in self-employment Women's labour force participation 8conclusion Appendix to chapter three Appendix to chapter four.