From Dictatorship to Democracy : An Insider's Account of the Iraqi Opposition to Saddam

parties. He was a close confi dant of the Hakim family that founded SCIRI and provided its fi rst three leaders. He was also SCIRI's liaison to other members of the Iraqi opposition and to the Kurds and the West. Like so many of Iraq's new leaders, Hamid al-Bayati suff ered personally for his convictions. Before fl eeing into exile, he was imprisoned and tortured by Saddam's security services. And in the chaotic period following Saddam's overthrow, terrorists murdered his brother. Hamid al-Bayati's account of the long struggle against Saddam and the eff ort to forge a new Iraq provides exceptional insight into the character of the men who now rule in Iraq. In spite of deep religious, ideological, and ethnic diff erences, they were pragmatic. Th ey realized they needed to work with the United States, the Europeans, the Arab countries, and Iran in order to succeed. And, both as opposition leaders and in government, they have been remarkably successful in doing just that. (Ironically, the two countries closest to sharing a common agenda with Iraq's new leaders are the United States and Iran.) As one might expect from a man who has recently served as Iraq's deputy foreign minister and ambassador to the United Nations, Hamid al-Bayati provides a rich retelling of the Iraqi opposition's diplomatic eff orts. In , I published a book entitled Th e End of Iraq that argued the country's deep fi ssures-between separatist Kurds and nationalist Arabs and between the once dominant Sunni minority and the long repressed Shiite majority-made Iraq's dissolution both likely and preferable to protracted ethnic and religious civil war. Today, Iraq is signifi cantly broken apart. Kurdistan is independent in all but name while the Sunnis have their own military, the U.S.-funded Sons of Iraq, which was central to defeating the Sunni insurgency. What still holds Iraq together are the ties among its current leaders, ties forged in the decades long struggle against Saddam's tyranny. To succeed, the Iraqi opposition had to accommodate diverse ethnic, sectarian, and ideological agendas. In post-Saddam Iraq, this diversity complicates decision-making, but it also places a premium on pragmatism, toleration, and bargaining if a faction is to accomplish its goals. Where parties can achieve their goals through politics and bargaining, they have a greatly reduced incentive for violence. Hamid al-Bayati's From Dictatorship to Democracy provides a fascinating account of just how Iraq's new leaders accommodated each other in opposition and government. And this underscores their great achievement. Against all odds, they are holding Iraq together. in Al Khobar in ; when they bombed the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in ; and when they deployed suicide bombers against the U.S. destroyer Cole in Yemen in . Although Al Qaeda killed dozens of U.S. citizens and people of other nationalities and injured hundreds, the U.S. continued its policy of containment and deterrence. It was only aft er September  that the U.S. attacked the Taliban regime and tried to capture or kill Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. Th ere are, however, diff erent theories about precisely when President George W. Bush decided to go to war against Saddam's regime. Some believe Bush was planning to remove Saddam's regime before he became President in January ; others say he decided immediately aft er the September  terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Th is book will detail the talks when U.S. offi cials told us the President had decided to remove Saddam's regime. Some Iraqi opposition groups encouraged the idea of waging war against Saddam's regime and supported the decision aft er it was made. We in the Supreme Council, however, opposed the war because it would result in civilian casualties, destruction of infrastructure, and occupation. We advised the U.S. planners against occupation and encouraged them to set up an Iraqi government immediately aft er Saddam's fall. Th e grave U.S. mistake, I believe, was in not listening to the Iraqis, thereby turning Iraq's liberation into occupation. Aft er the fall of Saddam's regime, we opposed UN Security Council Resolution , approved May , , which recognized "the specifi c authorities, responsibilities, and obligations under applicable international law of these states [U.S. and UK] as occupying powers under unifi ed command (the Authority). " Ambassador Bremer, who was appointed the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), said that the resolution gave him the power to choose a Governing Council as an interim administration, and a Constitutional Council to write a constitution. We asked Bremer to hold an election for the members of the Governing Council so it would not be perceived as a U.S.-appointed body. When Bremer refused, we suggested that members be selected through conferences in each province so the people could choose their representatives; again, Bremer refused. When the U.S. decided to hand sovereignty back to the Iraqis in June , we recommended that elections be held so that an Iraqi government could take on that sovereignty. But Bremer refused to hold elections before June . He insisted on transferring sovereignty to a nonelected government. Bremer later wrote: I told the group that . . . I hope to set up an Interim Iraqi administration by mid-June. But we're not going to rush into elections because Iraq simply has none of the mechanisms needed for elections-no census, no electoral laws, no political parties, and all the related structure we take for granted. We've also got to get this economy moving and that's going to be a helluva challenge. A stable Iraq will need a vigorous private sector.  Yet in  Iraq was to have two elections and a referendum without a census, without laws governing political parties, and with a worsened security situation. Bremer also restricted the Islamic and Shiite groups from holding certain important positions in the interim government, including those of Prime Minister, Minister of Interior, and even Minister of Education. It was obvious that Bremer wanted to bring specifi c groups to power in Iraq. But Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali al-Sistani, the highest religious authority in the holy city of Najaf, insisted that a constitutional council be elected directly by the Iraqi people so the resulting constitution would refl ect the aspirations of all Iraqis, no matter what their diff erent ethnic, sectarian, and religious backgrounds might be. Bremer could not challenge the Grand Ayatollah, the most humble and also the most powerful person in Iraq, so he tried to fi nd a diff erent solution to his dilemma. He proposed an interim constitution, known as the Transitional Administrative Law, or TAL. Bremer handed Iraqi sovereignty back to Ayad Allawi and a nonelected government in June . In January  Iraqis elected a General Assembly, which draft ed a constitution that went on to be approved by a general referendum in October . In December  Iraqis went to the polls to elect the fi rst Iraqi government based on a permanent constitution since . ## My Journey In Iraq I had been imprisoned and tortured several times because I joined the Al Dawa Islamic Party, before I joined SCIRI and had secret activities against the regime. When I refused to confess to the crimes of which Saddam's intelligence agents accused me, they released me. Th ey threatened, Aziz al-Hakim which met with UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, French President Jacques Chirac, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar, German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, United Arab Emirates President Sheikh Zayed al-Nahyan, and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. When Bremer heard about the trip, he rushed to visit Sayyid Abdul Aziz and express his concerns about our visiting countries that had opposed the war against Saddam's regime. Al-Hakim answered that he intended to visit these countries to convince them to forget their past diff erences about the war and to come forward to participate in Iraq's reconstruction. Th e meetings were important. We wanted to change the views of world leaders, to show them the Iraqi leadership's vision for Iraq, and to prove our willingness to have good relations with the whole world and a balanced relationship with the East and the West. We discussed the future of the political process, security issues, and reconstruction in Iraq, and we encouraged these countries to forget the past and come forward to invest in Iraq. During our years of campaigning to defend the Iraqi people against Saddam's regime, I and other opposition fi gures managed to meet with and gain the support of many people in the UK, throughout Europe, and in the U.S. and the UN. Among them were legislature members, offi cials, academics, journalists, and others. In the UK I worked with MPs such as Emma Nicholson and Ann Clwyd. I also managed to meet and gain the support of UK dignitaries including H.R.H. Charles Prince of Wales, Prime Minister Tony Blair, Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd, and others. I worked also with Ambassadors and offi cials in the Foreign Offi ce such as Julian Walker, Today, Hamid Al-bayati Serves As Iraqi Ambassador To The United Nations. But For Many Years He Lived In Exile In London, Where He Worked With Other Opponents Of Saddam Hussein's Regime To Make A Democratic And Pluralistic Iraq A Reality. As Former Western Spokesman For The Supreme Council For The Islamic Revolution In Iraq (sciri), And As A Member Of The Executive Council Of The Iraqi National Congress, Two Of The Main Groups Opposing Saddam's Regime, He Led Campaigns To Alert The World To Human Rights Violations In Iraq And Win Support From The International Community For The Removal Of Saddam. An Important Iraqi Diplomat And Member Of Iraq's Majority Shia Community, Al-bayati Offers Firsthand Accounts Of The Meetings And Discussions He And Other Iraqi Opponents To Saddam Held With American And British Diplomats From 1991 To 2004.^ Drawn From His Personal Archives Of Meeting Minutes And Correspondence, From Dictatorship To Democracy Takes Readers Through The History Of The Opposition. We Learn The Views And Actions Of Principal Figures, Such As Sciri Head Sayyid Mohammed Baqir Al-hakeem And The Other Leaders Of The Iraqi National Congress, Ahmed Chalabi And His Kurdish Counterparts, Masound Barzani And Jalal Talabani. Al-bayati Vividly Captures Their Struggle To Unify In The Face Of Not Only Saddam's Harsh And Bloody Repression But Also An Unresponsive And Unmotivated International Community. Al-bayati's Efforts In The Months Before And After The U.s. Invasion Also Put Him In Direct Contact With Key U.s. Figures Such As Zalmay Khalilzad And L. Paul Bremer And At The Center Of The Debates Over Returning Iraq To Self-government Quickly And Creating The Foundation For A Secure And Stable State. Al-bayati Was Both Eyewitness To And Actor In The Dramatic Struggle To Remove Saddam From Power.^ In This Unique Historical Document, He Provides Detailed Recollections Of His Work On Behalf Of A Democratic Iraq That Reflect The Hopes And Frustrations Of The Iraqi People.--book Jacket. The Birth Of The Iraqi Opposition -- The Journey From Salah Al-din To Washington -- Failed Coups And U.s. Policy Shifts -- A Strategic Shift : From Containment To Liberation -- Uniting The Opposition -- War And Occupation -- Dealing With Bremer -- Negotiating The Transition -- Self-rule -- Conclusion : The New Iraq. Hamid Al-bayati. Includes Bibliographical References And Index.

Selected by Choice magazine as an Outstanding Academic Title

Today, Hamid al-Bayati serves as Iraqi ambassador to the United Nations. But for many years he lived in exile in London, where he worked with other opponents of Saddam Hussein's regime to make a democratic and pluralistic Iraq a reality. As former Western spokesman for the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), and as a member of the executive council of the Iraqi National Congress, two of the main groups opposing Saddam's regime, he led campaigns to alert the world to human rights violations in Iraq and win support from the international community for the removal of Saddam.

An important Iraqi diplomat and member of Iraq's majority Shia community, he offers firsthand accounts of the meetings and discussions he and other Iraqi opponents to Saddam held with American and British diplomats from 1991 to 2004. Drawn from al-Bayati's personal archives of meeting minutes and correspondence, From Dictatorship to Democracy takes readers through the history of the opposition.

We learn the views and actions of principal figures, such as SCIRI head Sayyid Mohammed Baqir Al-Hakeem and the other leaders of the Iraqi National Congress, Ahmed Chalabi and his Kurdish counterparts, Masound Barzani and Jalal Talabani. Al-Bayati vividly captures their struggle to unify in the face of not only Saddam's harsh and bloody repression but also an unresponsive and unmotivated international community. Al-Bayati's efforts in the months before and after the U.S. invasion also put him in direct contact with key U.S. figures such as Zalmay Khalilzad and L. Paul Bremer and at the center of the debates over returning Iraq to self-government quickly and creating the foundation for a secure and stable state.

Al-Bayati was both eyewitness to and actor in the dramatic struggle to remove Saddam from power. In this unique historical document, he provides detailed recollections of his work on behalf of a democratic Iraq that reflect the hopes and frustrations of the Iraqi people.

Selected by Choice magazine as an Outstanding Academic Title Today, Hamid al-Bayati serves as Iraqi ambassador to the United Nations. But for many years he lived in exile in London, where he worked with other opponents of Saddam Hussein's regime to make a democratic and pluralistic Iraq a reality. As former Western spokesman for the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), and as a member of the executive council of the Iraqi National Congress, two of the main groups opposing Saddam's regime, he led campaigns to alert the world to human rights violations in Iraq and win support from the international community for the removal of Saddam. An important Iraqi diplomat and member of Iraq's majority Shia community, he offers firsthand accounts of the meetings and discussions he and other Iraqi opponents to Saddam held with American and British diplomats from 1991 to 2004. Drawn from al-Bayati's personal archives of meeting minutes and correspondence, From Dictatorship to Democracy takes readers through the history of the opposition. We learn the views and actions of principal figures, such as SCIRI head Sayyid Mohammed Baqir Al-Hakeem and the other leaders of the Iraqi National Congress, Ahmed Chalabi and his Kurdish counterparts, Masound Barzani and Jalal Talabani. Al-Bayati vividly captures their struggle to unify in the face of not only Saddam's harsh and bloody repression but also an unresponsive and unmotivated international community. Al-Bayati's efforts in the months before and after the U.S. invasion also put him in direct contact with key U.S. figures such as Zalmay Khalilzad and L. Paul Bremer and at the center of the debates over returning Iraq to self-government quickly and creating the foundation for a secure and stable state. Al-Bayati was both eyewitness to and actor in the dramatic struggle to remove Saddam from power. In this unique historical document, he provides detailed recollections of his work on behalf of a democratic Iraq that reflect the hopes and frustrations of the Iraqi people. Today, Hamid al-Bayati serves as Iraqi ambassador to the United Nations. But for many years he lived in exile in London, where he worked with other opponents of Saddam Hussein's regime to make a democratic and pluralistic Iraq a reality. As former Western spokesman for the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), and as a member of the executive council of the Iraqi National Congress, two of the main groups opposing Saddam's regime, he led campaigns to alert the world to human rights violations in Iraq and win support from the international community for the removal of Saddam. An important Iraqi diplomat and member of Iraq's majority Shia community, he offers firsthand accounts of the meetings and discussions he and other Iraqi opponents to Saddam held with American and British diplomats from 1991 to 2004. Drawn from al-Bayati's personal archives of meeting minutes and correspondence, "From Dictatorship to Democracy" takes readers through the history of the opposition. We learn the views and actions of principal figures, such as SCIRI head Sayyid Mohammed Baqir Al-Hakeem and the other leaders of the Iraqi National Congress, Ahmed Chalabi and his Kurdish counterparts, Masound Barzani and Jalal Talabani. Al-Bayati vividly captures their struggle to unify in the face of not only Saddam's harsh and bloody repression but also an unresponsive and unmotivated international community. Al-Bayati's efforts in the months before and after the U.S. invasion also put him in direct contact with key U.S. figures such as Zalmay Khalilzad and L. Paul Bremer and at the center of the debates over returning Iraq to self-government quickly and creating the foundation for a secure and stable state. Al-Bayati was both eyewitness to and actor in the dramatic struggle to remove Saddam from power. In this unique historical document, he provides detailed recollections of his work on behalf of a democratic Iraq that reflect the hopes and frustrations of the Iraqi people. -- Book jacket Cover 1 From Dictatorship to Democracy 2 Title 4 Copyright 5 Contents 6 Foreword 8 Introduction 12 Chapter 1: The Birth of the Iraqi Opposition 28 Chapter 2: The Journey from Salah al-Din to Washington 55 Chapter 3: Failed Coups and U.S. Policy Shifts 73 Chapter 4: A Strategic Shift: From Containment to Liberation 109 Chapter 5: Uniting the Opposition 140 Chapter 6: War and Occupation 200 Chapter 7: Dealing with Bremer 225 Chapter 8: Negotiating the Transition 266 Chapter 9: Self-Rule 308 Conclusion: The New Iraq 329 Notes 334 Index 342 Gallery 178