Against Health: How Health Became the New Morality (Biopolitics Book 18)

Navigates the divergent cultural meanings of health, and its entanglement with morality in current political discourse You see someone smoking a cigarette and say,“Smoking is bad for your health,” when what you mean is, “You are a bad person because you smoke.” You encounter someone whose body size you deem excessive, and say, “Obesity is bad for your health,” when what you mean is, “You are lazy, unsightly, or weak of will.” You see a woman bottle-feeding an infant and say,“Breastfeeding is better for that child’s health,” when what you mean is that the woman must be a bad parent. You see the smokers, the overeaters, the bottle-feeders, and affirm your own health in the process. In these and countless other instances, the perception of your own health depends in part on your value judgments about others, and appealing to health allows for a set of moral assumptions to fly stealthily under the radar. Against Health argues that health is a concept, a norm, and a set of bodily practices whose ideological work is often rendered invisible by the assumption that it is a monolithic, universal good. And, that disparities in the incidence and prevalence of disease are closely linked to disparities in income and social support. To be clear, the book's stand against health is not a stand against the authenticity of people's attempts to ward off suffering. Against Health instead claims that individual strivings for health are, in some instances, rendered more difficult by the ways in which health is culturally configured and socially sustained. The book intervenes into current political debates about health in two ways. First, Against Health compellingly unpacks the divergent cultural meanings of health and explores the ideologies involved in its construction. Second, the authors present strategies for moving forward. They ask, what new possibilities and alliances arise? What new forms of activism or coalition can we create? What are our prospects for well-being? In short, what have we got if we ain't got health? Against Health ultimately argues that the conversations doctors, patients, politicians, activists, consumers, and policymakers have about health are enriched by recognizing that, when talking about health, they are not all talking about the same thing. And, that articulating the disparate valences of “health” can lead to deeper, more productive, and indeed more healthy interactions about our bodies.

You see someone smoking a cigarette and say,“Smoking is bad for your health,” when what you mean is, “You are a bad person because you smoke.” You encounter someone whose body size you deem excessive, and say, “Obesity is bad for your health,” when what you mean is, “You are lazy, unsightly, or weak of will.” You see a woman bottle-feeding an infant and say,“Breastfeeding is better for that child's health,” when what you mean is that the woman must be a bad parent. You see the smokers, the overeaters, the bottle-feeders, and affirm your own health in the process. In these and countless other instances, the perception of your own health depends in part on your value judgments about others, and appealing to health allows for a set of moral assumptions to fly stealthily under the radar.

Against Health argues that health is a concept, a norm, and a set of bodily practices whose ideological work is often rendered invisible by the assumption that it is a monolithic, universal good. And, that disparities in the incidence and prevalence of disease are closely linked to disparities in income and social support. To be clear, the book's stand against health is not a stand against the authenticity of people's attempts to ward off suffering. Against Health instead claims that individual strivings for health are, in some instances, rendered more difficult by the ways in which health is culturally configured and socially sustained.

The book intervenes into current political debates about health in two ways. First, Against Health compellingly unpacks the divergent cultural meanings of health and explores the ideologies involved in its construction. Second, the authors present strategies for moving forward. They ask, what new possibilities and alliances arise? What new forms of activism or coalition can we create? What are our prospects for well-being? In short, what have we got if we ain't got health? Against Health ultimately argues that the conversations doctors, patients, politicians, activists, consumers, and policymakers have about health are enriched by recognizing that, when talking about health, they are not all talking about the same thing. And, that articulating the disparate valences of “health” can lead to deeper, more productive, and indeed more healthy interactions about our bodies.

You see someone smoking a cigarette and say, "Smoking is bad for your health," when what you mean is, "You are a bad person because you smoke." You encounter someone whose body size you deem excessive, and say, "Obesity is bad for your health," when what you mean is, "You are lazy, unsightly, or weak of will." You see a woman bottle-feeding an infant and say,"Breastfeeding is better for that child's health," when what you mean is that the woman must be a bad parent. You see the smokers, the overeaters, the bottle-feeders, and affirm your own health in the process. In these and countless other instances, the perception of your own health depends in part on your value judgments about others, and appealing to health allows for a set of moral assumptions to fly stealthily under the radar. Against Health argues that health is a concept, a norm, and a set of bodily practices whose ideological work is often rendered invisible by the assumption that it is a monolithic, universal good. And, that disparities in the incidence and prevalence of disease are closely linked to disparities in income and social support. To be clear, the book's stand against health is not a stand against the authenticity of people's attempts to ward off suffering. Against Health instead claims that individual strivings for health are, in some instances, rendered more difficult by the ways in which health is culturally configured and socially sustained. The book intervenes into current political debates about health in two ways. First, Against Health compellingly unpacks the divergent cultural meanings of health and explores the ideologies involved in its construction. Second, the authors present strategies for moving forward. They ask, what new possibilities and alliances arise? What new forms of activism or coalition can we create? What are our prospects for well-being? In short, what have we got if we ain't got health? Against Health ultimately argues that the conversations doctors, patients, politicians, activists, consumers, and policymakers have about health are enriched by recognizing that, when talking about health, they are not all talking about the same thing. And, that articulating the disparate valences of "health" can lead to deeper, more productive, and indeed more healthy interactions about our bodies. Against Health Argues That Health Is A Concept, A Norm, And A Set Of Bodily Practices Whose Ideological Work Is Often Rendered Invisible By The Assumption That It Is A Monolithic Universal Good, And That Disparities In The Incidence And Prevalence Of Disease Are Closely Linked To Disparities In Income And Social Support. The Book's Stand Against Health Is Not A Stand Against The Authenticity Of People's Attempts To Ward Off Suffering. Against Health Instead Claims That Individual Strivings For Health Are, In Some Instances, Rendered More Difficult By The Ways In Which Health Is Culturally Configured And Socially Sustained. The Authors Unpack The Divergent Cultural Meanings Of Health And Explore The Ideologies Involved In Its Construction, Presenting Strategies For Moving Forward And Developing Deeper, More Productive, And Indeed Healthier Interactions About Our Bodies. Jonathan M. Metzl Is Associate Professor In The Women's Studies Department And The Department Of Psychiatry At The University Of Michigan, Where He Also Directs The Program In Culture, Health, And Medicine. Anna Kirkland Is Associate Professor Of Women's Studies And Political Science At The University Of Michigan.--publisher's Description. Why Against Health? / Jonathan M. Metzl -- What Is Health And How Do You Get It? / Richard Klein -- Risky Bigness : On Obesity, Eating, And The Ambiguity Of Health / Lauren Berlant -- Against Global Health? Arbitrating Science, Non-science And Nonsense Through Health / Vincanne Adams -- Social Immorality Of Health In The Gene Age : Race, Disability, And Inequality / Dorothy Roberts -- Fat Panic And The New Morality / Kathleen Lebesco -- Against Breastfeeding (sometimes) / Joan B. Wolf -- Pharmaceutical Propaganda / Carl Elliott -- Strangely Passive-aggressive History Of Passive-aggressive Personality Disorder / Christopher Lane -- Obsession : Against Mental Health / Leonard J. Davis -- Atomic Health, Or How The Bomb Altered American Notions Of Death / Joseph Masco -- How Much Sex Is Healthy? The Pleasures Of Asexuality / Eunjung Kim -- Be Prepared / S. Lochlann Jain -- In The Name Of Pain / Tobin Siebers -- What Next? / Anna Kirkland. Jonathan M. Metzl And Anna Kirkland, Editors. Includes Bibliographical References And Index. From anti-war walkouts to anarchist youth newspapers, rallies against educational privatization, and workshops on fair trade, teenage girls are active participants and leaders in a variety of social movements. This work illuminates the experiences and perspectives of these uniquely positioned agents of social change. The author introduces readers to a diverse and vibrant transnational community of teenage girl activists in the San Francisco Bay Area, Mexico City, Caracas, Buenos Aires, and Vancouver. She brings to life the voices of these inspiring activists who are engaged in innovative and effective organizing for global and local social justice, highlighting their important contributions to contemporary social movements and social theory. The work explores how teenage girls construct activist identities, rejecting and redefining girlhood and claiming political authority for youth in the process. The author examines the girl activists' social movement strategies and collective political practices, detailing their shared commitments to process-based political education, participatory democracy, and hopeful enthusiasm. Ultimately, this work has implications for social movements and youth organizations, arguing that adult social movements could learn a great deal from girl activists and making clear the importance of increased collaboration between young people and adults Acknowledgments 1 Introduction: Why "Against Health"? Jonathan M. MetzlPart I: What Is Health, Anyway? 2 What Is Health and How Do You Get It? Richard Klein 3 Risky Bigness: On Obesity, Eating, and the Ambiguity of "Health" Lauren Berlant 4 Against Global Health? Arbitrating Science, Non-Science, and Nonsense through Health Vincanne Adams Part II: Seeing Health through Morality 5 The Social Immorality of Health in the Gene Age: Race, Disability, and Inequality Dorothy Roberts 6 Fat Panic and the New Morality Kathleen LeBesco 7 Against Breastfeeding (Sometimes) Joan B. WolfPart III: Making Health and Disease 8 Pharmaceutical Propaganda Carl Elliott 9 The Strangely Passive-Aggressive History of Passive-Aggressive Personality Disorder Christopher Lane 10 Obsession: Against Mental Health Lennard J. Davis 11 Atomic Health, or How The Bomb Altered American Notions of Death Joseph MascoPart IV: Pleasure and Pain after Health 12 How Much Sex Is Healthy? The Pleasures of Asexuality Eunjung Kim 13 Be Prepared S. Lochlann Jain 14 In the Name of Pain Tobin Siebers 15 Conclusion: What Next? Anna Kirkland About the Contributors Index You see someone smoking a cigarette and say, "Smoking is bad for your health," when what you mean is, "You are a bad person because you smoke." You encounter someone whose body size you deem excessive, and say, "Obesity is bad for your health," when what you mean is, "You are lazy, unsightly, or weak of will." You see a woman bottle-feeding an infant and say, "Breastfeeding is better for that child's health," when what you mean is that the woman must be a bad parent. You see the smokers, the overeaters, the bottle-feeders, and affirm your own health in the process. In these and countless other i